CONVERSATIONS ABOUT VALUES IN
EDUCATION IN SOUTH AFRICA 2000 TO 2005:
A THEORETICAL INVESTIGATION
Rosalie Small
A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for
the degree of Philosophiae Doctor in the Faculty of
Education, University of the Western Cape
Supervisor: Professor J. Smith
November 2011
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DECLARATION
I, Rosalie Small, declare that Conversations about values in education in
South Africa 2000 to 2005: A theoretical investigation is my own work, that it
has not been submitted before for any other degree or examination in any other
university and that all the sources I have used or quoted have been indicated and
acknowledged by means of complete references.
Signed: .
Rosalie Small
Date: ..
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DEDICATION
I dedicate this thesis to my parents, the late Anna Elizabeth Daniels, born
Steenkamp, and the late Frank Wallace Daniels.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I firstly thank two institutions that provided financial support which enabled me
to make substantial progress with my research. I thank the University of the
Western Cape (UWC) who, through the office of the Vice-Rector (Academic),
Professor R. Bharuthram, provided financial support that enabled me to obtain
some time for my research. I also wish to thank the South Africa Netherlands
Research Programme on Alternatives in Development (SANPAD) for funding
provided by that organisation in the initial stages of this study.
I thank colleagues in the Faculty of Education at UWC who encouraged me
and supported me during the time of my writing of this thesis.
I thank my supervisor, Professor Juliana Smith, for her critical reading of the
drafts of this thesis, and for her unwavering support and encouragement
throughout. I also thank her that, despite her extremely busy work schedule,
she was always available for discussion of this work.
I thank Professor Zubeida Desai who, during her term of office as Director of
Professional Programmes in the Faculty of Education at UWC, approached
me with a request to act as academic coordinator for the Advanced Certificate
in Education (ACE): Integrating values and human rights across the
curriculum. It was as coordinator of that programme that my interest in serious
engagement with the idea of values in education originated.
I thank Mrs Estelle Maart for attending to technical aspects and presentation
of the text.
Finally, I thank my husband Adam, daughter Zaidee and son Peter for their
love and continued support and encouragement.
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ABSTRACT
CONVERSATIONS ABOUT VALUES IN EDUCATION IN
SOUTH AFRICA 2000 TO 2005: A THEORETICAL
INVESTIGATION
KEYWORDS
Values; Education; Schooling; The national Department of Education;
Constitution of South Africa; The grammar of conversations; Text-based
critique; Values Report; Opening Pathways; Baseline Report
The 'conversations' under investigation have all been initiated by the National
Department of Education (DoE) and are identified in this thesis as the
following: the Values Report (2000); Opening Pathways (2002), the Manifesto
(2001); and the Baseline Report (2004). During 2000 the Minister of
Education, who recognised the need for public discussion on values in
education, appointed a working group to produce a document on values in
education, namely the Values Report. That report proposed six values to be
nurtured in schools. The DoE invited public comment on the Values Report
and these comments were taken into account when a conference on values in
education was held during February 2001, namely the Saamtrek Conference.
Meanwhile, the DoE commissioned school-based research during 2000. The
purpose of the research was to establish what meanings school communities
assigned to the values that were proposed in the Values Report. The
research findings were published in 2002, but an interim report, Opening
Pathways, was published during 2001, and informed discussions at the
Saamtrek Conference. The Manifesto was published later during 2001, and
proposed ten values to be nurtured in schools. It also proposed sixteen
educational strategies that could be employed to nurture these values. During
2004 the DoE again commissioned school-based research, the baseline
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research, which culminated in the Baseline Report. The purpose of the
baseline research was to establish what were the perceptions and practices of
school communities in respect of values and human rights.
There was vigorous engagement with the issue of values in education during
the first few years of the 21st century. During 2002 the DoE launched a Values
in Education Programme of Action in order to promote the nurturing of values
in education. One of the initiatives of this programme was the introduction of
an Advanced Certificate in Education (ACE) programme aimed at practising
teachers. This was the ACE: Integrating values and human rights across the
curriculum, which was funded by the DoE, and offered at various institutions
of Higher Education from July 2003 to June 2005. There was less vigorous
engagement with the issue of values in education after 2004, when a new
Minister of Education was appointed. An example of less vigorous
engagement with values in education is the following: the ACE on values and
human rights was not state-funded beyond 2005.
It is against this background that I engaged with the mentioned conversations
about values in education. My interest in conversations about values in
education arose out of my involvement, from 2003 to 2005, with the ACE
programme on values and human rights which was offered by the University
of the Western Cape.
My thesis format differs from the majority of theses in this country since my
research was entirely text-based, thus devoid of fieldwork. This thesis
corresponds to what I have identified as a topic-based format. Each chapter,
with the exclusion of the .introductory, research methodology and conclusions
and recommendations chapters, investigates a specific topic that forms part of
the conversations about values in education.
My research data consisted of conversations about values in education as
captured in the documents mentioned above, namely the Values Report,
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Opening Pathways, the Manifesto and the Baseline Report. My thesis does
not have a separate literature review chapter. Neither does it have a chapter
in which research findings are presented, analysed and discussed. Separate
chapters on a review of the literature and on presentation, analysis and
discussion of research findings are usually features of a thesis which relies for
its data on fieldwork. However, a review of the literature and research findings
are infused in five of the eight chapters that comprise this thesis. I made use
of relevant literature in order to interrogate DoE conversations about values in
education. That interrogation led me to arrive at research findings in respect
of DoE conversations about values in education.
My research methodology was located within a qualitative research paradigm,
with an interpretive metatheoretical approach. I identified my research design
as philosophy as social practice, and my research method as philosophical
investigation. I undertook an investigation of the grammar of these
conversations about values in education, that is, an investigation of the
arguments provided by the DoE for claims made in respect of values in
education. That investigation included the following: a clarification of
assumptions underpinning DoE arguments; uncovering of DoE conceptions
about the goals and purposes of schooling; establishing the extent of
continuity amongst DoE conversations; highlighting the extent of conceptual
clarity in DoE conversation; and exploring what meanings are assigned by the
DoE to value concepts.
The investigation of the grammar of the relevant DoE conversations
illuminated DoE engagement with the following concepts: 'values', 'character',
'morality', 'conversation', 'education', 'inquiry', 'schooling', 'ethics', 'citizenship'
and 'whole school'. In the process of this investigation I developed a
conceptual framework for thinking about values in education, engaged with
the notion of developing shared understandings in respect of values in
education, drew attention to inquiry as a type of conversation that is
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conceptually linked to education, and investigated the notion of deliberation as
a way of nurturing values in education.
I arrived at a number of conclusions about DoE conversations about values in
education, and these conclusions provide a response to my main research
question which is: What are salient features of DoE conversations about
values in education from 2000 to 2005? The conclusions I arrived at are: DoE
conversations about values in education engage in a less than rigorous
manner with concepts, which results in conceptual confusion or lack of
conceptual clarity; DoE conversations prioritise the nation-building function of
schooling and deflect attention away from other goals and purposes of
schooling; Some DoE conversations are silent about ways in which
recommendations can be implemented. The final conclusion arrived at is that,
despite the weaknesses identified in Doe conversations about values in
education, these conversations are significant ones in so far as the DoE-
initiated conversations about values took place against the background of a
divided society in the aftermath of colonialism and apartheid, and the
disvalues associated with these eras. There was, and still is, the need for the
values of the Constitution to become lived values.
I make the following recommendations in respect of conversations about
values in education in South Africa: (i) Conceptual clarity and clarification are
necessary in order to advance sound conversations about values in
education; Particular attention must be paid to the tension between
Constitutional values and social values; There should be sensitivity in respect
of the use of concepts in order to facilitate reconciliation; Schools should gain
clarity on the broad goals and purposes of schooling, and should focus on the
central tasks of schooling, namely teaching and learning, and on management
in order to create the conditions that make teaching and learning possible;
Schools which cannot achieve as the mainstream schools do should be
assisted in every way possible; Future DoE conversations about values in
education must formulate achievable guidelines for implementing
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recommendations made in such conversations; and Research could be
undertaken with a view to finding ways to nurture practices of deliberation
amongst teachers as well as learners, in order that shared understandings
about values in education may be developed.
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CONTENTS
Declaration ii
Dedication iii
Acknowledgements iv
Abstract v
CHAPTER ONE· ORIENTATION TO THIS STUDY 1
1.1 Introduction 1
1.2. Background events: A national mobilization for education and
training 2
1.3 Rationale 11
1.4 Aims of the research 13
1.5 Research questions 13
1.6 Literature review and conceptual framework 14
1.7 Research Methodology 17
1.8 Delimitation of the study 21
1.9 Ethical considerations 22
1.10 Origins of my interest in the topic 28
1.11 Overview of the content of the remaining chapters 30
CHAPTER TWO· RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 33
2.1 Introduction 33
2.2 A qualitative methodological paradigm 34
2.3 An interpretive metatheoretical approach 41
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2.3.1 Positivism 42
2.3.2 Interpretive Theory 45
2.4 Philosophy as social practice: a research design 48
2.4.1 Introduction 48
2.4.2 Conceptualisation of 'research design' 48
2.4.3 Philosophy as social practice 51
2.5 Philosophical investigation: a research method 56
2.6 Concluding remarks 61
CHAPTER THREE - POLICY AND LEGISLATION FRAMING DoE
CONVERSATIONS ABOUT VALUES IN EDUCATION 63
3.1 Introduction 63
3.2 Human rights as moral vision 64
3.3 The Children's Charter of South Africa 69
3.4 The Constitution and the Bill of Rights 73
3.5 Education policy and legislation 76
3.6 Guidelines for teachers regarding values in education 91
3.7 Concluding remarks 99
CHAPTER FOUR - THE REPORT OF THE WORKING GROUP
ON VALUES, EDUCATION AND DEMOCRACY 100
4.1 Introduction 100
4.1.1 Background to the constitution of the Working Group 101
4.1.2 Six values 105
4.1.3 Recommendations of the Values Report 111
4.1.4 Response to the Values Report 115
4.2 The grammar of the Values Report 116
4.2.1 Values, communitarianism and 'character formation' 116
4.2.2 Values and morality 121
4.2.3 Conversations and education 124
4.2.4 Inquiry, epistemie values and instrumental rationality 127
4.2.5 Schooling, values and ethics 129
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4.3 Concluding remarks 136
CHAPTER FIVE· OPENING PATHWAYS 137
5.1 Introduction 137
5.2 The grammar of Opening Pathways 144
5.2.1 Issues that emerge from the literature review 145
5.2.2 Meanings assigned to value concepts 155
5.3 Concluding remarks 174
CHAPTER SIX· THE MANIFESTO ON VALUES, EDUCATION AND
DEMOCRACY 176
6.1 Introduction 176
6.2 History and composition of the Manifesto 176
6.3 The grammar of the Manifesto 181
6.3.1 Conceptions of 'citizenship' that underpin the Manifesto 182
6.3.2 Conceptual confusions 195
6.3.3 Silences of the Manifesto 197
6.4 Concluding remarks 202
CHAPTER SEVEN· THE BASELINE REPORT 204
7.1 Introduction 204
7.2 The grammar of the Baseline Report 205
7.2.1 The grammar of the Baseline Report in respect of its review of
relevant literature 205
7.2.2 The grammar of the research methodology of the Baseline
Report 213
7.2.3 The grammar of the Baseline Report in respect of its
recommendations 225
7.3 Significance of the baseline research 231
7.4 Concluding remarks 236
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CHAPTER EIGHT - CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 237
8.1 Introduction 237
8.2 Conclusions 239
8.2.1 DoE engagement with concepts 239
8.2.2 Conceptions about the goals and purposes of schooling in DoE
conversations about values in education 246
8.2.3 Silences in DoE conversations 248
8.2.4 Significance of DoE conversations about values in education
in South Africa from 2000 to 2005 249
8.3 Recommendations 252
8.3.1 Engagement with concepts 252
8.3.2 Goals and purposes of schooling 253
8.3.3 Silences regarding implementation of recommendations 255
8.4 Limitations of this research 257
8.5 Suggestions for further research 257
8.6 Concluding Remarks 259
Bibliography 260
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CHAPTER ONE
ORIENTATION TO THIS STUDY
1.1 Introduction
The 'conversations about values in education' as title of this thesis, are
contained in specific documents that relate to the initiatives of the national
Department of Education (DoE) to nurture the growth of values in schools.
The documents in question are the following, with their shortened titles as
used in this thesis in brackets: Values, Education and Democracy (The
Values Report, 2000); Values, Education and Democracy. School-based
Research Report. Opening Pathways for Dialogue (Opening Pathways, 2002);
the Manifesto on Values, Education and Democracy (the Manifesto, 2001);
and Values and Human Rights in Education. Baseline Study of a sample of
schools in Mpumalanga and Western Cape (the Baseline Report, 2004).
Besides these documents that relate specifically to DoE initiatives to nurture
the growth of values in schools, I also examine some DoE policy documents
and guidelines for teachers that relate to the fostering of values in schools.
I first briefly outline events in South Africa that led to DoE conversations about
values in education. In the section entitled Rationale I present an argument to
support my claim that this study is of significance for teachers, for teacher
, educators and for policy makers. Following this, there is a statement of the
aims of the study, as well as a statement of the research questions that
guided the study. In the section entitled Literature Review, I present a
motivation for my decision that this thesis would not have a separate chapter
entitled Literature Review and Theoretical Framework, as is the case with
many masters and doctoral theses. I next briefly outline my research
methodology, provide a delimitation of this study, and present a motivation for
ethical considerations that guided this study. I indicate briefly the origin of my
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interest in the topic. Finally, I provide an overview of the content of the
remaining chapters.
Conversations about values in education in South Africa can be placed within
the wider context of South Africa's return as a member of the Commonwealth
of Nations. Carrim and Tshoane (2003:803) make mention of the Conference
of Commonwealth Education Ministers that took place in 2000. One of the
themes of the conference was 'values' and 'shared values'. Education
Ministers of Commonwealth countries were required to account for what
values were being nurtured in schools, how these values were being nurtured,
and also how the values 'human rights' and 'democracy' were attended to in
schools. Related to a concern with values there was also the global concern
with human rights that forms part of the background against which
conversations about values in education in South Africa took place. In
Chapter Three, Section 3.4, I draw attention to some international human
rights organisations that enjoy South Africa's support, as well as to some of
South Africa's state institutions that have as their mission the protection of
human rights. This serves as indication of South Africa's Constitutional.
commitment to the value 'human rights' and as indication of the wider context
within which conversations about values in South Africa from 2000 to 2005
took place.
1.2 Background events: A national mobilization for education and
training
On Tuesday 27 July 1999 the then Minister of National Education, Professor
Kader Asmal, announced the start of "a national mobilization for education
and training" (Call to action: mobilizing citizens to build a South African
education and training system for the 21st century.
http://www.education.gov.za).
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This followed the first cabinet meeting of the then new State President, Mr
Thabo Mbeki, where the latter asked whether our education system is on the
road to the 21st century. Asmal (Call to action: mobilizing citizens to build a
South African education and training system for the 21st century.
http://www.education.gov.za) pointed out that widespread consultation
between himself and all sectors of the education and training field, have led
him to the conclusion that, although we have strong, committed leadership for
the 21st century, and although we have excellent policies and laws for the 21st
century, in crucial respects we are not ready for the 21st century. Asmal (Call
to action: mobilizing citizens to build a South African education and training
system for the 21st century. http://www.education.gov.za) listed the following
four areas as areas where we are failing: Inequality of access to education;
Low teacher morale resulting from several factors; A crisis of leadership,
governance, management and administration in a number of sectors in
education; and Poor quality of learning.
Asmal (Call to action: mobilizing citizens to build a South African education
and training system. for the 21st century. http://www.education.gov.za)
concluded that the educational condition of the majority of people in the
country amounted to a "national emergency" which called for an "exceptional
response" from the national and provincial education departments. Asmal
announced the national mobilization for education and training under the
slogan "Tirisano" - working together (Call to action: mobilizing citizens to build
a South African education and training system for the 21st century.
http://www.education.gov.za).
Asmal identified nine priority areas (Call to action: mobilizing citizens to build
a South African education and training system for the 21st century.
http://www.education.gov.za). Motala et al (2003:588) formulate these as
follows: (i) Provincial and national relations; (ii) Eradicating illiteracy and
strengthening Adult Basic Education and Training; (iii) Turning schools into
centres of community life; (iv) Ending conditions of physical degradation in
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schools; (v) Developing the professional quality of the teaching force; (vi)
Enabling active learning through outcomes-based education; (vii) Creating a
vibrant education and training sector; (viii) Implementing a 'seamless higher
education system'; and (ix) Dealing purposefully with HIV/AIDS.
It is within the context of the above nine priority areas that the issue of values
in schooling arises. Asmal (Call to action: mobilizing citizens to build a South
African education and training system for the 21st century.
http://www.education.gov.za) makes specific reference to values when he
says under (iii) above (Turning schools into centres of community life):
Public schools must be reclaimed from those who are violent in
word and deed. Only in conditions of peace can discipline
flourish. ... Peace must be internally generated. ... Values,
morality and decency must be reinstated as the bedrock of
school life, and self-discipline as the basis of disciplinary codes
in the school.
Here Asmal clearly denounces violence in schools, irrespective of the form it
takes. He prioritizes peace and discipline as indispensible to school
communities and singles out discipline, including self-discipline, and decency
as values that are of crucial importance in schools. However, Motala et al
(2003:605) point out that, although the minister expresses dismay at the
unacceptably high levels of violence in schools and admonishes that
disciplined schooling should take place, no constructive programme to deal
with violence in schools is proposed.
The lack of concrete measures to mitigate against violence in schools was to
an extent addressed when, following this call to action, in February 2000
Asmal appointed a Working Group on Values in Education. The Working
Group, headed by Professor Wilmot James, was, according to a press
release, "tasked with researching and debating the concept of values in
education" (http://www.info.gov.za/speeches/2001/0102211945a1007.htm).
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Later during 2000 the Working Group submitted their report entitled Values,
Education and Democracy (the Values Report). The Executive Summary of
the Values Report [DoE.2000.http://www.education.gov.za] states that the
central argument of the report is the promotion in South African schools of the
values of equity, tolerance, multilingualism, openness, accountability and
social honour. It further claims that these values derive from our Constitution
and Bill of Rights, as well as from a consideration of educational philosophy
[DoE, 2000 (a):6].
Asmal viewed the recommendations of the Values Report as providing the
Ministry of Education with an opportunity to open up a national dialogue on
the issue of what values our education system should promote.
The Values Report provided the starting point for public discussion about
values, education and democracy [DoE, 2001(b):ii]. It elicited published
responses, cornpnsmq commentary and critique, in the media and in
academic and educational journals. It also elicited direct submissions to the
Ministry of Education by individuals and organizations. Asmal [DoE, 2001(b):ii]
writes that:
The issues raised by public debate were taken to a momentous
national conference on values in education, a saamtrek ...
where the country's specialists in all sectors of education came
together to focus our minds on the normative direction of
educational policy and strategy at our schools.
The Saamtrek Conference Values, Education and Democracy was held in
Cape Town in February 2001, and it culminated in the publication entitled The
Manifesto on Education, Values and Democracy, (the Manifesto). The Values
Report and the Manifesto constitute part of the DoE conversations about
values in education, the object of study of this thesis.
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Other DoE initiatives that constitute part of DoE conversations about values in
education are the reports generated by DoE commissioned school-based
research. Between 2000 and 2004 the DoE attempted a continuation of its
conversations about values in education when it commissioned two schooI-
based research initiatives. Firstly, the DoE commissioned the Education
Policy Unit of the University of the Witwatersrand to undertake extensive
school-based research with the purpose of "exploring the way that educators,
learners and parents think and talk about values in education" (DoE, 2001 (c).
http://www.education.gov.za]. Porteus, one of the two writers of the report on
school-based research, states explicitly that one of the objectives of the
research was "to understand the relationship between the vision laid out in the
Report of the Working Group on Values in Education and the ideas,
perceptions and realities that currently operate in schools (Porteus,
2002:220). The preliminary research findings were published as Values,
Education and Democracy: Interim Research Report (University of the
Witwatersrand Education Policy Unit, 2001). The final report was published in
November 2001 in two parts under the title Values, Education and
Democracy. School-based Research: Opening Pathways for Dialogue
(Opening Pathways). For the purposes of this thesis I have examined this
latter, two-part version of the report as well as a later, 2002, version. The
interim research report informed discussions at the Saamtrek Conference of
February 2001.
During 2004 the Race and Values Directorate of the DoE commissioned a
pilot study - Values and Human Rights in Education: Baseline Study of a
sample of schools in Mpumalanga and the Western Cape. This study was
conducted by the Centre for Community Development (CCD). The study
aimed at promoting values and human rights through whole school
development, and offers a baseline description of perceptions and realities
regarding values and human rights in 30 schools in these two provinces (DoE,
2004:6). The reports of both these research initiatives form part of the DoE
conversations about values in education, the object of study of this thesis.
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An outline of background events of DoE conversations about values in
education would be incomplete without mention of the programme of action
the DoE launched in respect of values in education. During June 2002 the
DoE launched a Values in Education Programme of Action. The deliberations
and recommendations of the Saamtrek Conference, as well as the findings of
the schools-based research published in the research report Values,
Education and Democracy. School Based Research: Opening Pathways for
Dialogue (Opening Pathways) (2001) provided the direction the programme
would take. I briefly discuss the envisaged task of the programme, its vision
and mission, and its key projects.
With reference to the task of the values in education programme of action,
Asmal [DoE, 2002(a):3] states that:
The task of the Values in Education Programme of Action is to
secure commitment amongst educators and learners to the
values derived from the Constitution of the Republic of South
Africa, thus deepening the contribution of education to the
creation of a democratic, united and non-racial society. Ideals
derived from the Constitution should be consciously embedded
in the curriculum and should be visible within the institutional
ethos, policies and programmes of the Department of Education.
It is clear from this quotation that the operationalisation of those values
stipulated in the Constitution should be evident in all spheres of the
educational world in South Africa. The idea of human rights is similarly
emphasised. Asmal [DoE, 2002(a):3] referred to the White Paper on
Education and Training where the call was made for a similar focus on human
rights.
In its statement of vision, the Programme of Action [DoE, 2002(a):4] identifies
four sets of values that should characterize the learning environment in the
South African education system, namely: Democracy and an open society; A
culture of human rights and non-racism; Creativity, an appreciation of own
heritage, and an appreciation of diversity, including an appreciation of
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international influences; and An awareness of common citizenship, the ability
to participate in civic life, and the development of an international perspective.
Swartz (2002:1) points out that the Values in Education initiative was,
subsequent to its announcement, renamed Race and Values in Education,
and she identifies the aim of the Values in Education initiative as an attempt to
"articulate common values which should be central to the new curriculum and
to the educational experience of all South African children, youth and
educators". This resonates with the DoE's articulation of its mission [DoE,
2002(a):4]:
The Values in Education Programme of Action will use the
vehicles of the curriculum, the educator corps, celebration,
support, networking, monitoring, the Constitution and
institutional policies in order to integrate these values into the
policies and practices of the Department of Education ..
The programme of action identified four key projects [DoE, 2002(a):4-6],
namely: The establishment of a national network on values; The celebration of
values, heritage and creativity; Visibility and support for values in the
curriculum; and Support for managers and teachers to integrate values into
their practices.
In line with these four key projects, the programme of action stipulates four
strategic objectives, the relevant related activities to achieve these objectives,
and timelines for the achievement of these objectives [DoE, 2002(a):7]. I
briefly outline each of these four strategic objectives, describe the related
activities and provide the timelines between brackets. The responsibility for
initiating the activities resided with the Directorate: Race and Values in
Education (hereafter referred to as The Directorate) which would, in respect of
certain initiatives, collaborate with other relevant bodies such as provincial
education departments [DoE, 2002(a):8]. The four strategic objectives are
outlined in the Values in Education Programme of Action [DoE, 2002(a):5-8],
and I summarise these below.
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Strategic objective 1: A national network would facilitate the monitoring and
collaboration of various sectors in the country that engage in human rights
and anti-racism initiatives. The related activities would commence with an
interprovincial preparatory meeting (February 2002 and ongoing), followed by
the launch of the full network (June 2002 and ongoing) and the drafting of a
monitoring instrument (July 2002 and ongoing). A network meeting for all
institutions of Higher Education would be held in order to ascertain the
situation regarding values in education at these institutions (August 2002).
Strategic objective 2: Values, heritage and creativity will be celebrated. The
related activities would commence with The Directorate planning a national
event jointly with provincial officials (March 2002), and thereafter produce
guidelines for teachers (April 2002) to use in preparation for the national
event.. District and provincial eliminations would be conducted by the
provinces (June 2002). The national creativity and heritage celebration would
take place during September 2002, and would become an annual event [DoE,
2002(a):7]. Materials and reports would emanate from these initiatives, and
these would inform further developments regarding this strategic objective
[DoE, 2002(a):5]. An arts endowment will provide schools with support in the
form of artists and writers in residence, and by way of bursaries to talented
students (April 2003) [DoE, 2002(a):5, 7]. Finally, schools will be supplied with
advocacy materials in order to strengthen the celebration of values, creativity
and heritage (June 2002, April 2003 and ongoing).
Strategic objective 3: Visibility and support must be provided for values in the
curriculum. The related activities commence with The Directorate's
participation in the Commonwealth Workshop on Citizenship Education (April
2002). Thereafter a Workshop on a Framework for Values and Human Rights
in Education would be held (July 2002). Various follow up activities involving
the coordination of activities to integrate values and human rights in the
curriculum would be carried out (September 2002).
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Strategic objective 4: Managers and teachers must be supported to integrate
an awareness of values into their practices. To begin with, there would be
consultations with bodies such as the South African Council for Educators, the
Education Labour Relations Council and teacher unions regarding the
requirements for introducing an Advanced Certificate In Education (ACE)
programme on the integration of human rights and values across the
curriculum (June 2002). The next step would be the registration of the ACE
programme on values and human rights with the South African Qualifications
Framework (SAQWA) by September 2002. National and provincial officials
would undertake an international visit as part of the consultation and planning
phase of the ACE on human rights and values in education (October 2002).
ACE programmes on values and human rights would be introduced at various
institutions of Higher Education (February/June 2003), and would be the first
of two two-year rounds of training. A formative evaluation conference would
be held with service providers and an advisory team (September 2002) [DoE,
2002(a):7]. A workshop would be held with School Governing Body (SGB)
federations in order to ensure that SGBs are drawn into discussions about the
values of the Constitution, and about initiatives to realize these values in
education (September 2002).
The four strategic objectives thus work from the national level (a monitoring
network for the progress made with human rights and anti-racist initiatives), to
provincial level (a celebration of values, heritage and creativity, and visibility
and support for values in the curriculum), and to schools (the preparation of
managers and teachers for integrating values and human rights issues in the
curriculum).
The Values in Education Programme of Action, together with other DoE
initiatives in respect of values in education outlined in this section, is an
indication of the importance the DoE attached to the issue of nurturing values
in education, and to the vigour with which the Values in Education initiative
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was conducted during the early years of the 21st century, from 2000 up until
2004, when a new Minister of Education took office.
1.3 Rationale
Seventeen years into our new democracy it is clear that the core values of our
Constitution, and the rights spelt out there, have not yet been realised in
South African society and schools. The violence in schools and in society
generally attests to the fact that values such as respect for human life and
human dignity have, in many instances, not become lived realities. According
to the Constitution, every child has the right to a basic education. However, in
many instances children do not in fact enjoy their right to education, due to
poorly resourced schools, unqualified or under qualified teachers, and due to
factors such as poverty and _poor housing conditions that stand in the way of
delivery of education.
The tenuous presence of the lived values of our constitution means that the
democratic nature of our society is under threat: a democracy can survive
only if the values that underpin that democracy are lived through the lives of
its citizens. It is for this reason that conversations about values, including
values in education, must form an essential part of the daily lives of the
citizenry of a democracy. This study is an attempt to participate in and
contribute to a public conversation about values in education.
The research would be of interest to educationalists, including teachers, and
to school communities. The Revised National Curriculum Statement (RNCS),
which replaced the syllabi of the apartheid regime, envisaged a strengthening
and streamlining of the curriculum and this includes an infusion of human
rights values and of environmental issues into the curriculum. The period
2000 to 2001 witnessed a particularly vigorous public engagement with the
issue of values in education on the part of educationalists, teachers,
academics and specialists in other fields. This public interest in values in
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education was a response to the report of the Working Group on Values in
Education, and culminated in the Saamtrek Conference on values in
education in 2001. The Manifesto was formulated by taking into consideration
the deliberations at, and the recommendations of, the Saamtrek Conference
and by the research report Opening Pathways.
The research initiatives of 2000 and 2004 have between them produced
significant documents on values in education, and represent further
contributions to conversations about values in education. This study attempts
to clarify aspects of these conversations about values in education with a view
to contributing to the public debate on values in education. Some of the issues
that emerge from such a clarification are competing conceptions of 'education'
and 'schooling', competing conceptions about the goals and purposes of
schooling, and questions about which valu.es should be nurtured in schools. In
this respect this study could inform policy development in respect of values in
education. It would therefore be of interest to teachers, the Western Cape
Education Department (WCED), the Department of Basic Education (DBE),
the Department of Higher Education, and the general public.
By way of concluding this section, the following. In this section I have
attempted to provide a rationale for this study by highlighting the importance
of public conversations about values for the nurturing and growth of a
democracy. I have also attempted to argue for the significance of this study by
briefly indicating that this thesis undertakes an exploration of concepts such
as 'education' and 'schooling'; since policy and practice are shaped by
underlying assumptions about what constitutes 'education' and what
constitute the 'aims of schooling'. In the next section I outline the aims of my
research.
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1.4 Aims of the research
The main aim of this research is to clarify salient features of DoE
conversations about values in education in South Africa from 2000 to 2005.
The subsidiary research aims are the following:
1 To document policy and legislation that frame DoE conversations about
values in education from 2000 to 2005;
2 To uncover the grammar of DoE conversations about values in
education; and
3 To draw conclusions in respect of the significance of DoE
conversations about values and make recommendations for the
nurturing of values in education.
By the 'grammar' of DoE conversations about values I mean "the underlying
set of assumptions out of which an argument arises; and background against
which an argument makes sense and carries whatever conviction it does"
(Morrow, 1989:38). This thesis therefore investigates the arguments provided
by the DoE for claims made in respect of values in education. A clarification of
assumptions underpinning DoE arguments would include uncovering DoE
conceptions about the goals and purposes of schooling; establishing the
extent of continuity amongst DoE conversations; highlighting the extent of
conceptual clarity in DoE conversation; and exploring what meanings are
assigned by the DoE to value concepts in conversations about values in
education in South Africa from 2000 to 2005.
1.5 Research questions
The main research question that drives this research is stated as follows:
What are salient features of DoE conversations about values in education in
South Africa from 2000 to 2005?
The subsidiary research questions are the following:
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1 What policy and legislation frame DoE conversations about values in
education from 2000 to 2005?
2 What is the grammar of DoE conversations about values in education
from 2000 to 2005?
3 What conclusions can be drawn in respect of DoE conversations about
values in education from 2000 to 2005 and what recommendations can
be made for the nurturing of values in education?
To ask the question What is the grammar of DoE conversations about values
in education from 2000 to 2005? is to ask following Morrow (1989:138), What
are the underlying set of assumptions out of which DoE arguments arise? To
ask this latter question is also to ask the following questions: What are DoE
conceptions about the goals and purposes of schooling? To what extent is
there continuity amongst DoE conversations about values in education? Is
there conceptual clarity in DoE conversations about values in education? And
What meanings are assigned by the DoE to value concepts in conversations
about values in education in South Africa from 2000 to 2005?
1.6 Literature review and conceptual framework
This thesis does not include a separate chapter on a review of the relevant
literature in the field and the development of a conceptual and/or theoretical
framework. The reason for this can be explained with reference to work of
Paltridge (2002: 125-143) who focuses attention on four general thesis
formats. Three of these thesis formats are of relevance here. There is firstly
the 'simple' traditional thesis. Partidge identifies this type of thesis as follows
(2002:131):
A thesis with a 'simple' traditional pattern is one which reports
on a single study and has a typical macro-structure of
'introduction', 'review of the literature', 'materials and methods',
'results', 'discussion' and 'conclusion'.
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This format translates into a well-known thesis format, namely that of a single
study which is presented, with minor variations in, what Boote and Beile
(2005:10) refer to as "the traditional five-chapter empirical dissertation". This
type of thesis usually has the following chapters: Background; Literature
Review; Research Methodology; Presentation, analysis and discussion of
research results; and Conclusions and recommendations. 'Research results'
is better known in the research context within which my research takes place
as 'research findings'. I therefore refer to 'research findings' below.
The second thesis format that Paltridge (2002:131-132) focuses on is the
'complex' traditional format which consists of a number of related studies. This
type of thesis would usually contain the 'introduction', 'review of the literature'
and 'materials and methods' sections, as does the 'simple' traditional format.
The remaining chapters would then report on each of the individual studies
and conclude with a general and overall 'conclusions' chapter.
A third dissertation format is the 'topic based' dissertation which, according to
Paltridge (2002) and referenced by Boote and Beile (2005: 10), is "often used
in education, especially for theoretical, philosophical, humanities-based, and
qualitative dissertations". Such a dissertation would not conform to the
traditional simple dissertation format. Paltridge (2002: 132) identifies this type
of dissertation as a 'topic-based' thesis, which he characterises as follows:
This type of thesis typically commences with an introductory
chapter which is then followed by a series of chapters which
have titles based on sub-topics of the topic under investigation.
The thesis then ends with a 'conclusions' chapter.
This thesis conforms to the 'topic-based' format. .It comprises a single study -
values in education - its format therefore cannot be categorised as a
'complex' traditional format. Neither is its format a 'simple' traditional one
since it does not have separate 'Literature Review' and 'Presentation, analysis
and discussion of research findings' chapters. A 'review of the literature', as
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well as 'presentation, analysis and 'discussion of the research findings', are
infused in chapters three to seven or, as Boote and Beile (2005:10) say,
"interspersed throughout the dissertation".
A review of the literature posed its own challenges. The conversations about
values in education under investigation as contained in the Values Report,
Opening Pathways, the Manifesto and the Baseline Report are not extensively
commented upon. While the Values Report and the Manifesto drew some
critical comment, I did not find much comment in the literature on Opening
Pathways, and none on the Baseline Report. This severely limited the volume
of literature upon which I could draw for this thesis.
There are eight chapters to this thesis. It starts with this introductory chapter,
which is followed by a chapter on research methodology. It concludes with a
'conclusions and recommendations' chapter. The remaining five chapters
investigate documents that constitute the written constructs of DoE
conversations about values in education - that is, written constructs that
constitute the sub-topics of the main research topic, namely conversations
about values in education.
The research for this thesis comprised an engagement with texts that
documented DoE conversations about values in education. Relevant literature
was used to assist with the investigation of the grammar of the texts. Chapters
Three through to Seven comprise a literature review, and includes the
development of a conceptual framework for understanding values in
education.
In Chapter Four I develop a framework for conceptualisinq values in education
when I build upon Christie's (2008) development of an ethical framework for
goals and purposes of schooling. Christie (2008:187-191) identifies three
broad goals and purposes of schooling as follows: Systematic teaching and
learning; Active participation in the world; and Individual development. She
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provides an ethical framework for each of these broad goals and purposes of
schooling as follows (Christie, 2008:212-216): Systematic teaching and
learning is framed by an ethics of commitment to intellectual rigour; Active
participation is framed by an ethics of civility in respect of building a
democratic society; and Individual development is framed by an ethics of care
for self, others and for the world. In Chapter Four I extend this framework to
include corresponding values as guiding principles as follows: Epistemic
values provide guiding principles for the goal of systematic teaching and
learning; Civic democratic values provide guiding principles for active
participation in the world; and Values of care provide guiding principles for the
goal of individual development. In this way I forefront the notion of epistemic
values in conversations about values in education. I discuss this issue more
substantially in Chapter Four.
1.7 Research Methodology
I have indicated above that my research involves an engament with texts and
is devoid of fieldwork. In so far as my research is text-based the question
arose for me as to whether I should include a separate methodology section
or chapter in this thesis. There is the view that a thesis reporting on text-
based research does not need a separate research methodology section or
chapter and that an attempt to articulate a research methods section for text-
based research is a futile exercise. In this regard Clingan (2008:2) writes:
Textual or theoretical research does not require a methods
section because it would be a rather ineffective process to write:
"I read one hundred and three books, listened to six
professionals in the field, read multitudes of current articles on
the subject, thought about and weighed all of that, and came to
the following theoretical conclusion". That method ... becomes
obvious as the material is presented and therefore does not
need to be described in a discrete methods section.
Clingan (2008) appears to be saying that the methods employed by a
researcher engaged in textual or theoretical research will reveal itself in the
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reading of the completed text. However, I contend that Clingan's claim
appears to be underpinned by a limited conception of 'methods'. In the
extract below, Clingan (2008:2) articulates what, according to her, 'research
method' entails:
The methods section of a thesis, dissertation, or any research
paper or article is the section that describes any and all specific
steps and procedures that were taken to gather data. It tells the
reader exactly how the research process was caried out.
Methods describe in specific detail the actual steps carried out
to give each reader (and evaluator) the following specific
information: what exactly you did to gather your data, enough
information to determine whether they see the process as
objective and well-served, and the steps involved so that
someone could essentially repeat the research if desired.
It is clear that Clingan (2008) associates a methods section very closely with
data gathering and analysis in respect of research that involves fieldwork and
that she works with an extremely narrow conception of 'methods', a
conception referred to by Ruitenberg (2009:316) as a Baconian conception
that equates 'method' with 'technique'. Bridges and Smith (2006: 133) also
refer to Bacon's attempts during the 17th century to "formulate research
methods for the social sciences that can be applied regardless of the acumen
of the researcher". Clingan (2008) indeed equates 'method' with 'technique'
when she refers to the requirement in the last line of the extract above from
her paper that a good methods section makes it possible for the research to
be repeated at a future date. Apart from a limited conception of 'methods'
Clingan's (2008) view furthermore has positivist overtones if she implies that
the same results will be obtained if the research can be replicated, such as
happens in, for example, physics where experiments can be repeated and,
provided the correct techniques are followed, the same results will be
obtained. But this is patently not the case with research in education and in
the other social sciences - responses to the same questionnaires and
interview questions will yield vastly different responses depending on a
number of factors such as the context within which the research is carried out,
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and also on the personality and manner of presentation of the researcher, if a
different researcher to the original researcher carries out the data gathering
process.
Ruitenberg (2009:316) articulates a broader conception of 'methods' when
she claims that:
'Methods' ... refers to the various ways and modes in which
philosophers of education think, read, write, speak and listen,
that make their work systematic, purposeful and responsive to
past and present philosophical and educational concerns and
conversations.
In other words, 'methods' refers to everything the researcher in philosophy of
education carries out in the course of the research. In respect of the
necessity for researchers engaged with theoretical research to articulate their
research methods, Ruitenberg (2009:316) argues as follows:
Education is commonly seen as a social science ... with
perspectives from the natural and social sciences as well as the
humanities. One of the consequences is that philosophers of
education are expected to be able to answer questions about
their methods just as their social science colleagues do.
Ruitenberg (2009) appears to be bowing under pressure from outside the
discipline of philosophy of education itself to articulate the methods used
when engaging in theoretical research devoid of field work. The articulation of
'methods' is a stringent requirement when reporting on data gathering
processes. That philosophers of education are under pressure from outside to
articulate a 'methods' section in their research reports does not present a
sufficiently compelling reason for such articulation. However, Ruitenberg
(2009:317), referring to the essays that appear in the 2009 edition of the
Journal of the Philosophy of Education Society of Great Britain, and all of
which are attempts to demonstrate and explain what philosophical methods
were used when the essays were written, observes that:
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The essays in the current volume ... provide articulations of
particular modes of philosophical thinking, reading and writing
that are of value for the elucidation or critique of educational
questions.
Ruitenberg (2009) is saying that it is important to articulate one's method of
doing philosophy of education since such articulation contributes to the
clarification or critique of educational questions. There is indeed institutional
pressure on researchers engaged with research that does not involve
fieldwork to articulate a research methodology. However, if the articulation of
a research methodology can assist in clarifying or critiqueing educational
problems then this would constitute sufficiently compelling reasons for
including a methodology section or chapter in a thesis or dissertation reporting
on theoretical research. Because of this latter reason, and also because of
institutional pressure as a result of a non-negotiable requirement to include
such a chapter, I include a 'research methods' chapter in this thesis, which I
outline below.
This research took place within a qualitative methodological paradigm. A
qualitative research paradigm can be contrasted with a quantitative
methodological paradigm. Quantitative research attempts to quantify research
results. Qualitative research recognises that much significant social research
involves understanding and explaining human actions and understandings.
Concomitant with the qualitative methodological paradigm, my metatheoretical
approach is an interpretive approach. I attempt to interpret and understand
DoE conversations about values in education in South Africa. This is a
theoretical study that does nor rely on fieldwork for data gathering, therefore I
identified philosophy as practice as research design. A social practice may be
understood as "any coherent and -complex form of socially established
cooperative human activity", according to Macintyre (1984) quoted by
Sheffield (2004:761). This places an emphasis on philosophy as activity.
Within this conception of philosophy as practice I identified philosophical
investigation as research method. Philosophy as research method comprises
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"an analysis, clarification and criticism of the language, concepts and logic"
(Sheffield, 2004:763) of DoE conversations about values in education. This
enabled me to uncover assumptions about education and schooling
underlying DoE conversations about values, establish the extent of continuity
amongst DoE conversations, establish the extent of conceptual clarity of DoE
conversations and uncover meanings assigned to value concepts.
As part of my background study I examined, amongst others, policy
documents such as the Bill of Rights, The Children's' Charter, and the RNCS.
The main thrust of philosophical method as research method was directed at
the Values Report (2000), the Manifesto (2001) and the reports of the DoE
initiated school-based research projects namely Opening Pathways (2000)
and the Baseline Report (2004).
1.8 Delimitation of the study
This study limits itself to the period 2000 to 2005 and to the topic of
conversations about values in education. After the promulgation of the
National Education Policy Act 27 of 1996 and the South African Schools Act
84 of 1996, the stage was set for reform of the education and schooling
systems in South Africa. From 1999, and especially from 2000, the question
that drove a significant part of education policy was: How can the democratic
values of the Constitution be seeded? The assumptions underlying this
question were that schools can play a significant role in the nurturing of
democratic values, and that schools should fulfil this function.
From the time of the convening of the Working Group on Values in Education
during 2000 under the chairpersonship of James, there have been significant
conversations about values in education, as well as significant initiatives on
the part of the DoE to foster the growth of values in educational institutions.
This happened over a comparatively brief period during the first half of the first
decade of the 21st century. Besides the formation of the Working Group on
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Values in Education, other energetic initiatives commenced in 2000 and 2001
- the school-based research and the Saamtrek Conference.
The period 2000 to 2005 was a unique period in respect of the vigorous
nature of DoE initiatives regarding values in education, and also in respect of
the widespread public engagement with the topic of values in education
during 2000 and 2001. After 2005, some of the values in education initiatives
that saw the light during the period under discussion continued, for example
initiatives to celebrate heritage. However, other initiatives such as the ACE
programme (Integrating values across the curriculum) for in-service educators
were not state funded after 2005.
I limit this study to the period 2000 to 2005 since this was the period of the
conception and of the birth of values in education initiatives in post-apartheid
I
South Africa. These initiatives must be seen as attempts to counter the I
disvalues of apartheid and oppression that drove the apartheid state and that
were firmly embedded in the schooling system. The initial conversations,
especially those of 2000 and 2001, began to articulate a role for education in
respect of the seeding of the values of the Constitution in schools. This is
perhaps the single most compelling reason in support of an argument for the
significance of this period (2000 to 2005). These conversations shaped policy
and practice regarding values education in South Africa.
1.9 Ethical considerations
I think it is appropriate at the start of a section on ethical considerations, to
pose the questions: What is ethics in research? Why is ethics in research
important? This is very nearly the title of a short publication by Resnik (2007):
What is Ethics in Research & Why is It Important? Resnik (2007:1) defines
ethics as "norms for conduct that distinguish between acceptable and
unacceptable behaviour", and states that different disciplines, institutions and
professions have norms for forms of behaviour appropriate for the discipline.
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In respect of ethical norms that are appropriate for the discipline Resnik
2007: 1) states:
[Ethical norms] help members of the discipline to coordinate
their actions or activities and to establish the public's trust of the
discipline. For instance, ethical norms govern conduct in
medicine, law, engineering, and business. Ethical norms also
serve the aims and goals of research and apply to people who
conduct scientific research or other scholarly or creative
activities.
It is clear that a scholarly activity such as the pursuit of this study would be
guided by ethical norms. Questions that arose for me in respect of my own
study are: What does a research ethic in general entail? And What are the
ethical norms that guide this study?
The National Committees for Research Ethics in Norway (2006:5)
characterises research ethics as embracing both personal and institutional
morality. It refers to the concept of 'research ethics' (2006:5) as:
A complex set of values, standards and institutional schemes
that help constitute and regulate scientific activity. Ultimately,
research ethics is a codification of ethics of science in practice.
In other words, it is based on general ethics of science, just as
general ethics is based on commonsense morality.
The research ethics that guided this study is thus constituted by both personal
and institutional values and standards, as well as institutional "schemes" or
requirements. In this study I worked entirely with textual data in the form of
policy documents, research reports, journal articles and book chapters - that
is, I worked with already existing artefacts. I did not conduct interviews with
persons or collect data by means of questionnaires. My data consists entirely
of what Babbie and Mouton (2006:76) refer to as secondary data. See also
Section 2.2: A qualitative methodological paradigm in Chapter Two, Research
Methodology.
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Although I did not engage directly with persons as research subjects in this
study, I nevertheless had to engage with the question: What are the ethical
principles that guide this study? Or, differently put: What are the personal and
institutional values, standards and requirements that guided this study? In the
remainder of this section I address these questions.
I first of all examined the Mission Statement of the University of the Western
Cape (UWe). This study attempted to reflect the following principles
contained in the Mission Statement as those principles are the most relevant
to the ethical considerations that underpin this study. The Mission Statement
has a short preamble (http://www.uwc.ac.za:
The University of the Western Cape is a national university, alert
to its African and international context as it strives to be a place
of quality, a place to grow. It is committed to excellence in
teaching, learning and research, to nurturing the cultural
diversity of South Africa, and to responding in critical and
creative ways to the needs of a society in transition. Drawing on
its proud experience in the liberation struggle, the university is
aware of a distinctive academic role in helping build an equitable
and dynamic society.
In line with the Mission Statement, I identify the following preliminary
principles that guided this study. The study is committed to excellence in
research; it attempts to "respond in a critical and creative way to the needs of
a society in transition" in so far as it attempts to make a contribution to the
important conversation about values in education; and it attempts to
contribute to the building of "an equitable and dynamic society" in so far as it
acknowledges the centrality of conversation, dialogue and debate in the
building of such a society, and in so far as this study attempts to make a
contribution to the 'conversation about values in education in South Africa.
This study furthermore identifies strongly with the University of Johannesburg
Code of Academic and Research Ethics (2007). This code identifies three
sets of values in which it is embedded, namely: The core values of the
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Constitution as contained in the Bill of Rights, and which includes a respect
for the spirit and the letter of the law of the country; Human rights values as
detailed in the Constitution; and Fundamental values of academic activity
(University of Johannesburg, 2007:2).
In line with the first set of values in which the above mentioned code is
embedded, this study is committed to the core values of the Constitution.
Chapter One of the Constitution - Founding Provisions - identifies those
values on which the Constitution is founded, and states that these values will
ensure accountability, responsiveness and openness (see Chapter Three,
Section 3.2; Human rights as moral vision). This study is underpinned by the
values of accountability, responsiveness and openness. In this regard I refer
to the process of the study, and not merely to the end product - the
completed artefact. I now engage in. a brief discussion of the values of
accountability, responsiveness and openness, and how these values
underpinned my study.
This study was guided by the principle of accountability in so far as I am
accountable to UWC, and to the UWC Faculty of Education, for funding and
other assistance I have received in order to expedite completion of this study.
I am also accountable to the South Africa Netherlands Research Programme
on Alternatives in Development (SANPAD) for funding provided by that
organisation in the initial stages of this study. In the light of my accountability
to uwe and the UWC Faculty of Education, and to SANPAD, I have taken
care to make use of my time and resources in an appropriately responsible
and efficient manner in order to meet the expectations of the university and of
the Faculty in respect of the completion of this study, as well as my own
expectations in this regard.
However, accountability in research extends beyond the individual and an
institution, and specific individuals in the institution, as would appear from the
above. The research community is also accountable to the rest of society.
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Babbie and Mouton (2006:527) maintain that "The most important principle
that guides the relationship between science and the rest of society is that of
accountability". In this quotation I would want to replace the word "science"
with the words "social research" or "social inquiry", in so far as the latter
phrases capture more accurately the business of the researcher in education,
the humanities and other non-natural science fields. An insistence on labelling
social research as "science" has positivistic leanings in so far as it reminds of
a positivistic obsession with science as being the vehicle for providing
genuine knowledge.
But of importance is that Babbie and Mouton (2006:527) point out that
accountability in science is manifested as: A rejection of secret research; An
obligation to the free and open dissemination of research results; and A
responsibility to funders and sponsors of research.
This study, by its very nature cannot be secret, and the research results will of
necessity be freely and openly disseminated. I have already stated my
responsibility towards and accountability to the sponsors of this research.
While these manifestations of accountability as set out by Babbie and Mouton
(2006) may not be strongly evident in this study, given its theoretical nature, I
nevertheless am of the view that they are important considerations in social
research generally.
In respect of this study, the principles of responsiveness and openness go
hand in hand. During the process of critical comment on the part of my
supervisor on the various chapters or parts of chapters, I was committed to
the principle of openness to critique and responsiveness thereto. Openness
and responsiveness are central to all academic work and research
endeavours.
This study also identifies closely with the third set of values in which the
University of Johannesburg Code of Academic and Research Ethics (2007:2)
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is embedded, namely a set of fundamental values of academic activity. In
respect of the theoretical nature of this study it aligns itself with the following
two values as set out in the code (University of Johannesburg, 2007:2),
namely "the pursuit of truth through free inquiry and open dialogue" (4.3.1);
and "a commitment to excellence" (4.3.3).
The guiding principle of the pursuit of truth through free inquiry and open
dialogue means that I had to prioritize the concomitant principle of freedom
from bias. My reading of texts required of me to approach each text in a
completely unbiased and open manner. Thus the principle of openness is
significant here, too, and not only in respect of critique on aspects of this
study as it progressed.
The principle of a commitment to excellence leads to the question: What does
excellence in a study at this level consist in? As a participant in the practice of
academic work, I accept that there are differing sets of criteria according to
which different sets and levels of academic work are evaluated. Criteria for
evaluation are formulated by communities of inquirers, and are often set out in
documentation. I took responsibility for establishing what the documented
criteria are for evaluating a study at this level. I further acquainted myself with
the nature and depth of various studies at this level that have been
successfully completed.
To sum up: thus far I have identified the following as the core ethical
principles that guided this study: Accountability; Responsiveness; Openness;
A commitment to a search for truth, that requires free enquiry and open
dialogue, which, in turn, implies freedom from bias; and A commitment to
excellence. This appears to be in line with three ofthe four core principles
regarding research ethics as proposed by the Social Research Association
(2003: 13-14), namely that social science researchers have obligations
towards society in general, towards funders and employers, and towards
colleagues. The fourth core principle, namely that researchers have an
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obligation towards the subjects of research, is not applicable to this thesis in
so far as there are no human subjects of research.
Further, I commit myself to the following principles, as set out by the National
Committees for Research Ethics in Norway (2006), in their publication
Guidelines for Research Ethics in the Social Sciences, Law and Humanities,
and which are of particular relevance to this theoretical study: The avoidance
of plagiarism (2006:25); The maintenance of good referencing practices
(2006:26); and Participation in social debate and responsibility for how
research is interpreted (2006:34).
The avoidance of plagiarism and good referencing practices are universal
institutional requirements, which also serve to strengthen the credibility of any
study. In respect of the last of the above-mentioned principles, the following:
the rationale for this study is precisely the attempt to participate in
conversations about values in education in a credible manner.
1.10 Origins of my interest in the topic
At this point I draw attention to where my own interest in conversations about
values in education originates.
Between 2002 and 2005 the DoE collaborated with provincial education
departments and higher education institutions and provided funding,
channelled through provincial education departments, for in-service teachers
to undergo a two year part-time programme, an Advanced Certificate in
. Education (ACE): Integrating values and human rights in the curriculum .
. agreed to become academic coordinator of the programme for the Faculty of
Education at UWC. In this capacity, and with the assistance and support of
colleagues in the Faculty of Education, I was closely involved with the
development of module descriptors for the programme, and for attending to
the overall coherence of the programme. I was ultimately also nominated to
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act as coordinator of the two research modules that provided the culmination
of this ten-module programme.
The programme commenced in July 2003, was attended by 69 in-service
teachers, and came to a conclusion in June 2005. As part of the programme
requirements ACE students were required to carry out research in the
workplace relating to problem situations regarding values and/or human
rights. As programme co-ordinator, and as co-ordinator of the research
modules, I came to have a broad overview of the problems the teachers
encountered in their schools and/ or classrooms, and which they had elected
to research, with a view to implementing steps to address the problem
situations.
These are some of. the issues ACE students were researching: Equality of
access to education; Respect and whole school discipline; Discipline and
human rights; Freedom of expression and communication between school
management teams and post level one teachers; Democracy and leadership;
The promotion of non-racism; and The integration of values across the
curriculum.
Thus, the research reports of the ACE students provided a rich source of
information regarding what were perceived to be problematic situations
regarding human rights values in the school and classroom context.
Through my involvement with the programme and with the in-service teachers
on the programme I realised that the conversations about values in education
that had been initiated during the early 2000s is a conversation that is
ongoing, and must be sustained. That is where my interest in this research
topic was awakened.
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1.11 Overview of the content of the remaining chapters
In this chapter I have indicated which documents contain DoE 'conversations
about values in education', and which therefore form the subject of study of
this thesis. I have sketched background events that culminated in the
mentioned 'conversations about values in education', and have provided a
rationale for this study. I further outlined the aims of the research, as well as
the research questions that guided this study. I have motivated why I do not
have a separate 'Literature Review and Conceptual and Theoretical
Framework' chapter which is often the second chapter of a masters or
doctoral thesis. I have in this regard drawn attention to the nature of this study
which is a text-based study devoid of fieldwork, and which requires a thesis
format that differs from that of theses that are driven by fieldwork research. I
have also indicated what my research methodology consists in, provided a
delimitation of the study as well as a comprehensive ethics statement, and
finally I indicated what the origins are of my interest in the topic of values in
education.
In Chapter Two I present my research methodology. That chapter outlines
and motivates why this research has been carried out within a qualitative
methodological paradigm, with an interpretive metatheoretical approach. The
research design is identified as that of philosophy as practice, and the
research method is philosophical investigation which attempts an investigation
of the grammar of DoE conversations about values in education.
In Chapters Three, Four, Five, Six and Seven I investigate the grammar of
specific moments in the DoE conversations about values in education.
Chapter Three specifically outlines education policy and legislation that form
the backdrop to DoE conversations about values in education. An outline of
policy precedes an investigation of the grammar of DoE conversations as
these emerge from the relevant documents in so far as policy and legislation
provide the backdrop against which these conversations take place. Chapter
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Three also locates these conversations within the broader framework of the
idea of human rights and locates South Africa within the international human
rights community. Attention is drawn to South African state institutions that
have been established in order to foster the growth of a human rights culture.
Chapter Three additionally and briefly investigates the grammar of select
policy documents and guidelines for teachers regarding values and schooling.
Chapter Four investigates the Values Report of 2000 and shows how a
consideration of the concepts 'values', 'character', 'morality', 'conversation',
'education', 'inquiry', 'schooling' and 'ethics' assist in the uncovering of the
grammar embedded in the Values Report.
Chapter Five constitutes an investigation of the report of the school-based
research undertaken during 2000, namely Opening Pathways. It discusses
issues that emerge from the literature review of the report, and illuminates
what meanings are assigned to value concepts on the part of the Values
Report on the one hand, and on the part of school communities on the other
hand. Key concepts that emerge in relation to the grammar embedded in that
report are the concepts 'morality', 'dialogue' and 'discipline'.
Chapter Six investigates the grammar of the Manifesto. It focuses on the
question of what conceptions of 'citizenship' underpin the Manifesto and
identifies some conceptual confusion and some silences in the Manifesto.
Chapter Seven investigates the Baseline Report, illuminates meanings
assigned by school communities to value concepts, and draws attention to the
significance of the report.
The conversations from Chapter Four through to Chapter Seven follow in that
specific order for the following reason. It constitutes a chronological
presentation of events that culminated in the documents under investigation,
which is necessary, since each set of conversations as contained in the
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documents, informs another set of conversations as follows. The Values
Report (2000) informed the school-based research (2000) which culminated in
the publication of Opening Pathways (2002). An earlier version of the latter
research report (the interim research report of 2001), together with the Values
Report, informed discussions at the Saamtrek Conference (2001). Opening
Pathways, together with the Saamtrek Conference Report, informed the
Manifesto. The baseline research project undertaken during 2004 and which
culminated in the Baseline Report, was informed by all the foregoing.
Chapter Eight draws some conclusions about DoE conversations about
values in education, and provides some recommendations for nurturing
values in schooling.
In the next chapter, Chapter Two, I outline my research methodology, and
provide a motivation for my choice of methodological paradigm,
metatheoretical approach, research design and research method.
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CHAPTER TWO
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
2.1 Introduction
This chapter on research methodology confronted me with great challenges.
My brief was to declare and justify my choice of methodological paradigm,
metatheoretical approach, research design and research method. My
research was entirely theoretical and involved conceptual clarification, and I
found that the leading authors in the field of social research methodology did
not cover what I had set out to do, in so far as most of the writing in the field
covers mainly social research based on fieldwork. My research set out to
investigate the grammar of DoE conversations about values in education. As
such, it is a theoretical or text-based investigation devoid of fieldwork, as I
indicate in Chapter One, Section 1.6. I was faced with the task of deciding
where my research "fits in" in respect of methodological issues. Two issues
arose. The first is whether or not to include a separate section or chapter on
research methodology. In Chapter One, Section 1.7 I refer to Clingan (2008)
who expresses the view that a separate methodology section or chapter is not
required for text-based research. In contrast with Clingan's view, Ruitenberg
(2009) presents an argument in favour of the necessity of articulating a
research methodology, also for research that is devoid of fieldwork. In section
1.7 I provide reasons for adopting a stance similar to that of Ruitenberg,
namely to articulate a research methodology for my text-based research,
hence this chapter on research methodology.
The second issue I had to address was one in relation to the format of this
thesis which differs from the format of the majority of theses based on
fieldwork. This thesis has a topic-based format and incorporates a review of
the literature across all chapters, instead of presenting a review of the
literature in what is usually the second chapter of a thesis.
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This research was carried out within a qualitative methodological paradigm.
My metatheoretical approach is an interpretive one, the research design is
philosophy as practice and the research method is that of philosophical
investigation.
In this chapter I illuminate the concepts 'qualitative methodological paradigm',
'interpretive metatheoretical approach', 'philosophy as practice' and
'philosophical investigation', and attempt to justify my choices in this regard.
2.2 A qualitative methodological paradigm
Babbie and Mouton (2006:49) claim that three broad methodological
paradigms have dominated the scene in recent social research, namely the
quantitative paradigm, the qualitative paradigm and critical action research.
They further link these paradigms to metatheoretical frameworks of thinking
as follows: the quantitative paradigm to the positivist metatheoretical
framework, the qualitative paradigm to the phenomenological or interpretivist
metatheoretical frameworks, and the critical action research paradigm to the
critical framework of thinking. In Section 2.3 I discuss the interpretivist
metatheoretical framework of thinking more fully, and present it there as a
critique of the positivist metatheoretical framework of thinking.
While the focus of this section is a circumscription of the concept 'qualitative
methodological paradigm' it might, however, be useful to say something
briefly about the quantitative and critical action research methodological
paradigms in order to draw distinctions between these methodological
paradigms and a qualitative methodological paradigm. A brief discussion of
the quantitative and critical action research paradigms will illuminate why the
research for this thesis cannot be located in either of these two
methodological paradigms.
Babbie and Mouton (2006:49) identify a quantitative methodological paradigm
as one in which the researcher quantifies, that is, assigns numbers to
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perceived qualities of phenomena; works with variables; and wants to control
sources of error, through either experimental control or through statistical
controls. Denzin & Lincoln (2005: 12) contrast quantitative research with
qualitative research as follows:
Qualitative researchers believe that rich descriptions of the
social world are valuable, whereas quantitative researchers with
their etic, nomothetic commitments, are less concerned with
such detail. Quantitative researchers are deliberately
unconcerned with rich descriptions because such detail
interrupts the process of developing generalizations.
The above quotation draws attention to additional features of a quantitative
methodological paradigm. Its etic and nomoethetic commitments are
commitments to naming and to formulating general laws, and research within
this methodological paradigm, sets out to develop generalizations applicable
to other, but similar, situations than the one researched.
A third methodological paradigm, the critical action research paradigm, or the
critical paradigm, operates with the following key ideas: participatory
involvement, action and change, encounter and dialectic dialogue. Being
aligned to critical theory, the aim of critical action research is political in
nature; it aims to emancipate. Henning et al (2004:24) state explicitly that the
emancipation at issue is political emancipation, and that it is "directly related
to acquiring a discourse, a language of emancipation, in order to articulate
one's subjectivity". Given these explanations of quantitative and critical action
research paradigms, it will be clear that this study is located in neither of these
- it does not seek to quantify, neither does it seek to emancipate in the sense
intended by critical theory.
In respect of a qualitative methodological paradigm, Denzin & Lincoln
(2005:2-3) point out that "a complex, interconnected family of terms, concepts
and assumptions surround the term 'qualitative research"', but nevertheless
offer a generic definition as follows: "Qualitative research is a situated activity
that locates the observer in the world. It consists of a set of interpretive,
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material practices that make the world visible". This definition forefronts the
situated ness of the researcher within the social world, as well as the
researcher's task as that of interpreting the events in the social world. Leedy
and Ormrod (2005: 133) provide a clear explanation of the complex nature of
qualitative research alluded to by Denzin and Lincoln when they state the
following:
The term 'qualitative research' encompasses several
approaches to research that are, in some respects, quite
different from one another. First, they focus on phenomena that
occur in natural settings - that is, in the 'real world'. And second,
they involve studying those phenomena in all their complexity.
Qualitative researchers rarely try to simplify what they observe.
Instead, they recognise that the issue they are studying has
.many dimensions and layers, and so they try to portray the issue
in its multifaceted form.
By the 'real world' Leedy & Ormrod (2005) mean the social world and the
complex nature of social phenomena. Above all, the qualitative researcher
does not represent social phenomena in a streamlined and simplified manner.
This insight resonates with the insight on the part of Denzin & Lincoln
(2005: 12) referred to above, namely that rich descriptions of the social world
are valuable. Indeed, the qualitative researcher attempts rich descriptions of
the social world.
These definitions on the part of Denzin & Lincoln (2005) and Leedy & Ormrod
(2005) of 'qualitative research' is compatible with that offered by Babbie and
Mouton (2006:53) who state that lithe term 'qualitative research paradigm' will
be used ... to refer to that generic research approach in social research
according to which research takes its departure point as the insider
perspective on social action"; and claim further that:
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Qualitative researchers attempt always to study human action
from the insiders' perspective (also referred to as the 'emic'
perspective). The goal of research is defined as describing and
understanding (Verstehen) rather than the explanation and
prediction of human behaviour .... [T]he emphasis, therefore, is
on methods of observation and analysis that 'stay close' to the
research subject. This would include observational methods
such as unstructured interviewing, participant observation and
the use of personal documents. In the analysis of qualitative
data, the emphasis is on grounded theory and other more
inductive analytical strategies.
However, my research was certainly not "insider" research which relies on
interviews and observation. I therefore found the work by Henning et al (2004)
'Why conduct a qualitative inquiry?' in Finding your way in Qualitative
Research more helpful in respect of circumscribing the concept 'qualitative
research' since their characterization of a qualitative paradigm is more
inclusive than that of Denzin & Lincoln (2005), Leedy & Ormrod (2005), and
Babbie and Mouton (2006). Henning et al (2004:1) point out that it is the
purpose of the research a researcher undertakes that will have the most
influence on the use of certain methods of data collection and especially data
analysis. In Chapter One I state that the main aim of my research is to clarify
salient features of DoE conversations about values in education in South
Africa from 2000 to 2005. One of the three subsidiary research aims is stated
as follows: To uncover the grammar of DoE 'conversations about values in
education'.
By the 'grammar' of DoE conversations about values I mean "the underlying
set of assumptions out of which an argument arises; the background against
which an argument makes sense and carries whatever conviction it does"
(Morrow, 1989:3~). This thesis therefore investigates the arguments provided
by the DoE for claims made in respect of values in education. A clarification of
assumptions underpinning DoE arguments would include uncovering DoE
conceptions about the goals and purposes of schooling; establishing the
extent of continuity amongst DoE conversations; highlighting the extent of
conceptual clarity in DoE conversations; and exploring what meanings are
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assigned by the DoE to value concepts in conversations about values in
education in South Africa from 2000 to 2005.
These research aims clearly point to text-based research, with an interpretive
metatheoretical approach. Text-based research may be located within either a
quantitative or a qualitative methodological paradigm. However, a matter of
attempting to uncover the grammar of DoE conversations about values in
education is certainly not a matter of quantifying. To uncover the grammar of
DoE conversations about values in education points to a qualitative
methodological paradigm. In the remainder of this section I will attempt to
elucidate what I understand by a qualitative research paradigm.
An attempt to elucidate the grammar of DoE appears to be in line with the
following idea of Henning et al (2004:3) when they say:
In qualitative research we wish to give as clear and detailed an
account of actions and representations of actions (in speech,
music, visual art, artifacts, and spoken and written text.
My research data was entirely textual - policy documents, reports, journal
articles and other publications. Therefore my research did not entail the
collecting of what 8abbie and Mouton (2006:76) refer to as primary data. This
means I did not work with first hand-gathered speech (questionnaires and
interviews), or with music or visual art. My data consisted of already existing
artifacts - the written word as contained in the types of documents mentioned
above. This is what 8abbie and Mouton (2006:76) refer to as secondary data.
It was my aim to engage in an investigation of the grammar of DoE
conversations about values in education, that is "to give as clear and detailed
account of ... representations ... in written text", to repeat words of Henning et
al (2004:3).
Henning et al (2004:5) further state that "When we refer to 'qualitative'
research, we are using the term that denotes the type of inquiry in which the
qualities, the characteristics or the properties of a phenomenon are examined
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for better understanding and explanation". This circumscription of qualitative
research quite accurately describes my research with its research design of
philosophy as social practice and research method of philosophical
investigation. Henning et al (2004: 10) make a further important point
regarding the researcher as analytical instrument (2004:6) and of the human
mind as the instrument of research in qualitative research as follows:
When these data are documented they have to go through the
process of analysis. We must work through the data to arrive at a
conclusion in which we will try to "answer" our initial research
questions and achieve the purpose of the study. It is in this
analytical (and also synthesizing) process especially that
qualitative research is distinguished from its quantitative
counterpart. The analytical instrument is largely the researcher.
Her knowledge, understanding and expertise will determine what
happens to the data.
Thus, while quantitative research aims at objectivity, quantification and
generalization, qualitative research depends on the interpretive capabilities of
the researcher, hence the reference to the researcher as 'analytical
instrument'. Leedy & Ormrod (2005: 133) make exactly the same point when
they claim that:
Qualitative researchers believe that the researcher's ability to
interpret and make sense of what he or she sees is critical for
understanding any social phenomenon. In this sense the
researcher is an instrument in much the same way that a
sociogram, rating scale or an intelligence test is an instrument.
Leedy & Ormrod (2005) do not qualify this claim, and consequently they
assign to the qualitative researcher a technicist and instrumentalist role, unlike
Henning et al (2004:10) who do concede that it is not preferable to refer to the
human mind as an instrument because 'instrument' has technicist and
instrumentalist overtones. I agree with their view on the technicist and
instrumentalist overtones of the term 'instrument' with reference to the
researcher and with reference to the human mind. Nevertheless it does direct
attention most strongly to the role of the researcher as analyst and, I would
add, interpreter of data.
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In order to move away from the technicist overtones of the researcher as
'analytical instrument' it might be more appropriate to refer to the researcher
as 'interlocuter'. According to the South African Concise Oxford Dictionary
(SACOD) (2008:602) an interlocutor is one who participates in dialogue.
Within the context of this thesis a definition of 'interlocutor' as one who tales
part in a conversation is more appropriate. In Chapter Three I distinguish
between different types of conversations, of which dialogue is a specific kind.
There I identify inquiry as a specific kind of conversation. I would like to think
of the researcher as participating in a specific kind of conversation, namely
inquiry, so that the interlocuter becomes an inquirer.
To return to the extract above from Henning et al (2004:6), it can be noted
that it makes an important point about the nature of data. It is clear that data
on its _own has no meaning. It acquires meaning through the interpretive
functions and abilities of the researcher. This is why Henning et al (2004:6)
refer to the meaning-making function of the researcher as follows:
The researcher makes meaning from the data by seeing the
bigger picture and by converting the 'raw' empirical information
(the 'thin description' of the phenomenon) into what is known in
qualitative research ... as a 'thick description'.
The concepts 'thin description" and 'thick description' and the distinction
between them are helpful when trying to articulate what meaningful qualitative
research entails. Henning et al (2004:6) write in this regard:
A thick description gives an account of the phenomenon (a) that
is coherent and that (b) gives more than facts and empirical
content, but that also (c) interprets the information in the light of
other empirical information in the- same study, as well as from
the basis of a theoretical framework that locates the study.
In my research I arrived at a "thick description" of the concept 'values' and
related concepts through conceptual clarification and the method of
philosophical investigation. I engaged with a variety of authors, and for each I
attempted to clarify the assumptions underlying the author's use of the
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concept, and whether there was conceptual consistence and coherence in the
specific text in respect of the use of the concept. This would account for the
requirements (a) and (b) of "thick description" as stated above by Henning et
al (2004:6). In respect of requirement (c) I compared different texts that I used
in my study to establish whether there was a measure of consensus, or
divergence in the use of the concept 'values' and related concepts across
these texts. I attempted conceptual clarification through the method of
philosophical investigation, from within the framework of interpretive theory.
In the next section I attempt to justify why interpretive theory provides the
appropriate metatheoretical approach for my research. The central argument
is that we can understand the world only through the interpretation of
concepts. There are no uninterpreted "facts".
2.3 An interpretive metatheoretical approach
Researchers of social phenomena distinguish three broad categories of
metatheoretical approaches to research, that is, three broad frameworks of
thinking, namely positivism, interpretive theory and critical theory. Within each
of these broad frameworks there are nuances and each of the frameworks
comes with its own history. It lies outside of the scope of this thesis to provide
a detailed discussion of the features of each of these frameworks of thinking.
Nonetheless, in Section 2.3.1 I provide a brief characterisation of one of these
frameworks of thinking, namely positivism. This brief characterisation provides
the basis upon which I can provide an argument, in Section 2.3.2, in support
of my claim that this research is located within an interpretive metatheoretical
approach. In Section 2.3.2 I also refer briefly to critical theory in order to
illustrate why my research is not informed by a critical metatheoretical
approach.
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2.3.1 Positivism
Positivism has evolved over centuries and various schools of thought have
been identified with this framework of thinking. 'Positivism' is thus an umbrella
term for a range of scholars and schools of thought where, although there are
differences in the detail of their thinking, commonalities are discernable - as I
point out below when I refer to core assumptions of positivism. These
scholars and schools of thought span a time period from the late 1700s to the
mid-1950s, and were located mainly in Britain and Western Europe. Currently,
a positivist metatheoretical approach informs a significant body of research.
An example of this kind of research is what Pring (2005:97) refers to as "the
political arithmetic tradition", a research tradition which can be located within a
quantitative methodological paradigm, which can yield socially valuable
research data, and significantly inform political decision-making. It is outside
the scope of this thesis to provide even a brief account of the details of the
work of philosophers and schools of thought that can be associated with
positivism. In the remainder of this section on positivism, I indicate what
assumptions underpin that framework of thinking, and outline some key
features of positivism in order that I may justify, in Section 2.3.2, my choice of
interpretive theory as metatheoretical approach for my research.
8abbie and Mouton (2006:20) articulate "two core assumptions" that underpin
positivism, namely "the assumption of scientific maturity... [and] the
assumption of a sufficient degree of similarity in research domains". I briefly
discuss each of these assumptions.
The first assumption - that of 'scientific maturity' - rests upon the recognition of
the progress made since the 16th century in the natural and medical sciences,
and in technology. Christians (2005:139) articulates this point as follows:
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Achievements in mathematics, physics, and astronomy allowed
humans to dominate nature, which formerly had dominated
them. Science provided unmistakeable evidence that by
applying reason to nature and to human beings in fairly obvious
ways, people could live progressively happier lives. Crime and
insanity, for example, no longer needed repressive theological
explanations, but instead were deemed capable of mundane
empirical solutions.
Thus, advances in the natural, medical and exact sciences and in technology
made it possible to bring about conditions that could improve the lives of
people. There has not been similar progress in respect of addressing societal
problems. Because of the lack of progress made by the social sciences in
respect of addressing social problems, the latter are regarded as less
'mature' than sciences such as physics and chemistry. The progress made by
the natural and medical sciences is ascribed to their research methodology.
The conclusion arrived at is that the social sciences must emulate - the
methodology of the natural sciences.
The second assumption - that of 'a sufficient degree of similarity in research
domains' - emanates from the conclusion arrived at in respect of the first
assumption, namely that the social sciences must emulate the methodology of
the natural sciences in order that greater progress can be made to address
social problems. But this conclusion itself rests upon an assumption, namely
that there is a great degree of similarity between natural phenomena and
social phenomena - the research domains of the natural sciences and the
social sciences respectively.
Interpretive theory formulates a critique of positivism in respect of its
assumption that the methodology of the natural sciences can be transferred to
the social sciences, and also in respect of the second assumption above,
namely that there are sufficient similarities between natural phenomena and
social phenomena to warrant such a transfer of methodology from the natural
sciences to the social sciences. I discuss interpretive theory's response to
these assumptions under 2.3.2 below. I now outline a key feature of the
methodology of the natural sciences, namely explanation, in so far as
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positivism wants to emulate scientific explanation, and in so far as the notion
of 'explanation' is one of the key notions of positivism that interpretive theory
critiques.
The aim of natural science was considered to be to describe and explain the
natural world. By the 20th century natural science had developed the
Deductive-Nomological model of explanation - D-N explanation - as the only
genuine type of explanation. D-N explanation has the form: Whenever C
happens then E happens; C happened; Therefore E happened. C is referred
to, amongst others, as a scientific law and remains a true statement until
proved false. Scientific method consists in the rigorous process of attempts to
falsify scientific laws.
In the example of D-N explanation above, C is the initial condition or
independent variable. E is the consequent condition or dependent variable. C
is the cause of E. This is a causal model of explanation, and shows the
relationship between variables. Notable of this model of explanation is that it
makes prediction possible; if you can predict then you can control the natural
environment by manipulating variables. Thus, the aim of science is seen as
description and explanation of the natural world, as well as prediction and
control.
On a radical positivist view of social inquiry the aim of such inquiry should be
to describe and explain the social world by means of the D-N model of
explanation, and to control the social environment through the manipulation of
variables.
In Section 2.3.2 I outline how interpretive theory responds to the attempt by
positivism to formulate D-N explanations, an attempt that emanates from the
two core assumptions of positivism as outlined above.
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2.3.2 Interpretive Theory
Interpretive theory as understood in this research is identified by 8abbie and
Mouton (2006:28-33) as one amongst a cluster of schools of thought that
constitute critiques of positivism, and that share key features such as that the
aim of the social sciences is to understand how persons understand and
interpret social practices. Phenomenology, ethnomethodology and
hermeneutics provide critiques of positivism but it falls outside the scope of
this thesis to explore these positions. 'Interpretive theory' as referred to in this
thesis is located within what 8abbie and Mouton (2006:32-33) refer to as the
'analytical tradition' of which Winch is an early exponent. Winch (1970)
critiques the positivist preoccupation with positioning social science along the
lines of the natural sciences. More specifically, Winch (1970:83-136)
discusses notions which are fundamental to 'interpretive theory' as
understood in this thesis, for example the notion of 'social regularities' which
posits human actions as being carried out against the backdrop of societal
rules and conventions and which contrasts with the positivist notion of
prediction.
Interpretive theory rejects the positivist assumption of scientific maturity and
the assumption of a sufficient degree of similarity in research domains. I now
discuss the interpretive theory response to each of these assumptions.
The positivist assumption about scientific maturity provides the imperative for
positivism to adopt the methodology of the natural sciences and to attempt to
provide D-N type explanations that enable social scientists to manipulate
social phenomena in order to achieve the desired social situation. Interpretive
theory argues that the D-N model of explanation is wholly inadequate to
explain social life. The D-N model of explanation can account for only certain
cause-effect physiological features of human beings. It cannot, for example,
be used to explain ethical and moral matters. The second assumption that
underpins positivism, namely the assumption of a sufficient degree of
similarity in research domains, leads positivism to adopt the position that
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events that occur in the natural world are of the same logical form as human
actions. Interpretive theory responds that positivist approaches to social
inquiry do not take into account the crucial distinction between actions and
events. Events are things that happen to persons but actions are linked to
intentions, purpose and societal rules and conventions, as the following
quotation from Pring (2005:68) illustrates:
It is not possible to give an account of what people do without
reference to the intentions which make that behaviour
intelligible. This creates a sharp contrast between explanations
of events in the physical world and explanations of human
behaviour and activities. Physical objects do not interpret the
world as a prelude to what happens to them. Human beings do
and their behaviours can be understood only in terms of their
intentions and thus their understanding of the physical and
social worlds they inhabit.
Thus, interpretive theory argues that human actions are informed by the
intentions of persons. They are purposeful. Moreover, they take place against
the background of societal rules and conventions, and principles. (In Chapter
Four I identify 'values' as guiding principles.) According to interpretive theory,
human actions are what constitute social life and must be interpreted in the
light of the societal rules and conventions that govern human actions. Human
actions are not transparent. For interpretive theory the aim of social inquiry is
the attempt to understand and explain human actions.
Interpretive theory therefore introduces the notion of action concepts. Action
concepts, according to interpretive theory, are the subjects of social inquiry.
Interpretive social inquiry attempts to interpret human actions against the
background of the rules and conventions that guide them, and offer
explanations for the occurrence of these human actions. Because human
actions are guided by rules and conventions, certain regularities will be
apparent in human activities. We can thus, in particular circumstances, have
certain kinds of expectations regarding human actions. But these regularities
and expectations are not predictions as the latter feature in the D-N model of
explanation.
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Social inquiry is also concerned with the investigation of social practices.
Social practices, such as the practice of education, have developed over time,
and have histories and traditions, and rules by which they are governed.
Within a practice specific actions are performed by the actors within that
practice. Social inquiry is concerned with the actions of actors within the
context of a specific practice.
In social inquiry the researcher wants to find out why human beings perform
certain actions. The first step would be to ask the person or the group in
question why s/he is performing that action. The person will provide a reason
that takes account of the intention or purpose underlying the action. But the
reason provided by the person in question also takes into account the rules
and conventions that govern the practice within which the activity or activities
took place. Thus, the explanations for human actions take into account
aspects of social life that the D-N model of explanation cannot take into
account. Explanations take place through concepts expressed in language.
Explanations involve interpretation of concepts - there are no uninterpreted
concepts ..
This research aims at uncovering the salient features of DoE conversations
about values in education through an investigation of the grammar of these
conversations. In order to do this, this research has to undertake an
interpretation of such conversations. It is for this reason that the interpretive
metatheoretical approach is the appropriate metatheoretical approach for my
research.
In this section I have shown that my research was not informed by a positivist
metatheoretical approach, and by way of concluding this section I make a
brief reference to critical theory to indicate why my research is not informed by
a critical metatheoretical approach either. As is the case with positivism and
interpretive theory, critical theory is expounded by a range of authors, of
whom Fay's (1975) work captures what is definitive about critical theory. Fay
works with the Habermassian notion of knowledge-interests - the technical,
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the practical and the emancipatory. For Fay, a critical social science is
directed at enlightening persons about ways in which they are oppressed,
bringing them to an understanding of what is in their true interests, and,
should they accept and act upon solutions that are offered to address their
oppression, emancipation follows. My research was not an attempt to
emancipate; it wanted to interpret and come to an understanding of the
grammar of DoE conversations about values in education.
In the next section I discuss my research design which I have decided is
philosphy as social practice. In that section I provide a motivation for deciding
on this particular research design.
2.4 Philosophy as social practice: a research design
2.4.1 Introduction
In this section I engage firstly in a conceptualisation of 'research design'. I
next provide an argument to locate philosophy as social practice and as
research design.
2.4.2 Conceptualisation of 'research design'
Babbie and Mouton (2006:76-78) provide a classification of research designs
in terms of the type of study, the type of data used, and in terms of data
sources. With reference to the type of study, the research would be either
based on fieldwork or entirely theoretical. With reference to the type of data
used, they distinguish between primary data sources and secondary data
sources. If the research uses primary data sources, the research would be·
referred to as a primary data design. If the research makes use of secondary
sources, the research would be referred to as a secondary data design.
A primary source data design is one where the researcher generates data
through, for example, interviews and questionnaires. A secondary source data
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design is one where the researcher uses existing texts, such as policy
documents, research findings and journal articles. Babbie and Mouton note
that one has more control over primary data (2006:76).
Babbie and Mouton (2006:76-77) provide a typology of research questions
which distinguish between questions relating to fieldwork studies and
questions relating to entirely theoretical research, and offer six types of
questions relating to fieldwork research and four types of questions relating to
entirely theoretical research. I enumerate these below. The six types of
fieldwork-related questions, with the related research questions and examples
in brackets as provided by Babbie and Mouton (2006:76-77), are:
Exploratory questions (What are the key factors? What are the
distinguishing features of a good leader?)
ii Descriptive questions (How many? How many people died of AIDS last
year?)
iii Causal questions (What are the causes of Y? Is smoking the main
cause of lung cancer?)
iv Evaluative questions (Has P been successful? Has the introduction of
a new refrigeration technology led to more cost-effective production?)
v Predictive questions (What will the effect of X be on Y? What effect will
the introduction of a new antibiotic have on population P?)
vi Historical questions (What led to Y happening? What caused the
demise of socialism in Central Europe in the late eighties?)
The four types of questions relating to entirely theoretical research (research
which is devoid) of fieldwork are:
Meta-analytic questions (What are the key debates in domain x? What
are the leading positions/paradigms in research on structural
adjustment programmes in developing countries?)
ii Conceptual questions (What is the meaning of concept X? What is the
meaning of sexual harassment?)
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iii Theoretical questions (Which are the most convincing explanations of
Y? What do competing theories say about the effects of stress on
productivity?)
iv Philosophical/normative questions (What is the ideal profile of X? What
is meant by an equitable education system?)
8abbie and Mouton (2006:79) provide a schematic representation of research
designs which distinguishes between the following four types of research
designs:
research designs using primary data where the researcher aims for
high control in the study (for example laboratory experiments, field
experiments and programme evaluation studies);
ii research designs using primary data where the researcher aims for low
control in the study (for example surveys/comparative studies,
ethnographic studies and participatory action research);
iii research designs using secondary data where the researcher aims for
high control in the study (for example secondary data analysis and
statistical modeling); and
iv research designs using secondary data where the researcher aims for
low control in the study (for example discourse analysis and life
histories).
Content analysis and historical studies would fall between ii and iv above.
According to the above classification, my study has a secondary and textual
data research design since I make use only of texts generated by others, for
example education policy documents, published research findings,
conference reports and journal publications. In Chapter One, Section 1.7 I
outline my research methodology, which includes reference to my research
design. My study has a research design for theoretical research which is
devoid of fieldwork. In Chapter One, Section 1.5 I provide the research
questions that drive my study. My research is driven by research questions
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relating to theoretical research which is devoid of fieldwork. The main
research question is: 'What are the salient features of DoE conversations
about values in education from 2000 to 2005?' Two of the three subsidiary
research questions are: 'What policy and legislation frame DoE conversations
about values in education from 2000 to 2005?' and 'What is the grammar of
DoE conversations about values in education from 2000 to 2005?' To ask the
question 'What is the grammar of DoE conversations about values in
education from 2000 to 2005?' is to ask 'What are the underlying set of
assumptions out of which DoE arguments arise?' To ask this latter question is
also to ask the following questions: 'What are DoE conceptions about the
goals and purposes of schooling?'; 'To what extent is there continuity amongst
DoE conversations about values in education?'; 'Is there conceptual clarity in
DoE conversations about values in education?; and 'What meanings are
assigned by the DoE to value concepts in conversations about values in
education in South Africa from 2000 to 2005?' These are philosophical
questions, and point to clarification of concepts. 8abbie and Mouton (2006)
identify discourse analysis as research design where secondary data sources
are used, and where the researcher aims at a low level of control in the study.
The research design of my study shows the same general features as
discourse analysis, but it is instead, a philosophical investigation. I conclude
that my research design can be identified as philosophy as social practice.
2.4.3 Philosophy as social practice
In this section I show why one can regard philosophy as a social practice, and
why it should be regarded as research design within which the methods of
philosophical investigation provide the tools for the interrogation of concepts.
With regard to the issue of philosophy as social practice I have found the work
of Sheffield (2004) and of Conroy, Davis and Enslin (2008) useful in so far as
the points of departure of these authors is that philosophy is a social practice.
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Sheffield (2004) identifies philosophy as social practice. Social practices have
evolved over time, thus they have histories and traditions. Social practices
existed before the present generation of persons were born, and will continue
to exist after the demise of the present generation. Sheffield (2004:761)
quotes from Alisdair Macintyre's 1984 work 'After Virtue' to explain the
concept social practice:
[Social practice is] any coherent and complex form of socially
established cooperative human activity through which goods
internal to that form of activity are realized in the course of trying
to achieve those standards of excellence which are appropriate
to, and partially definitive of that form of activity, with the result
that human powers to achieve excellence, and human
conceptions of the ends and goods involved, are systematically
extended.
Sheffield (2004:761) illustrates the difference between a practice and other
activities by means of contrasting the activity of putting a tomato plant into the
soil (an action, not a practice) with the practice of gardening. Similarly one
could distinguish between specific acts of teaching and the practices of
schooling and of educating. Sheffield (2004:761) quotes Macintyre (1984)
who says that any social practice "involves standards of excellence and
obedience to rules as well as the achievement of goods".
The important point that Sheffield (2004) makes is that research paradigms
are social practices, with standards of excellence and obedience to rules, as
well as the achievement of goods. Sheffield (2004) draws attention to
ethnography as an example of a widely accepted and validated research
method with its own set of "tools". A shortcoming of Sheffield's (2004) work is
that he does not distinguish between research method and research design,
hence his characterization of ethnography as research method instead of as
research design. He wants to make the point that philosophy is a valid
research method. I disagree and maintain that philosophy as practice is a
research design, alongside, for example ethnography, and philosophy may
make use of a variety of methods which may be used in order to undertake a
philosophical investigation.
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The paper 'Philosophy as a Basis for Policy and Practice: What Confidence
Can We Have in Philosophical Analysis and Argument?' by Conroy, Davis and
Enslin (2008:173) emphasises the notion of philosophy as practice and
provides an argument for the centrality of philosophy in educational policy
making. Although the paper focuses on the relation between philosophy and
policy making, and not on philosophy within the context of research design, it
is nevertheless worthy of note here for it provides one with a model for
establishing philosophy as central to all social research. In this regard the
following position of Fay (1975) is illuminating, and I digress before returning
to the paper by Conroy et al (2008).
Fay (1975:78) makes this point strongly. With reference to the attempt of
interpretive theory to explain a given social order, he maintains that such an
explanation is an attempt to "articulate the conceptual scheme that defines
reality in certain ways, and in terms of which the actions that he views make
sense". Further Fay, (1975:78) states that:
Articulating conceptual schemes has always been regarded as a
philosophical activity; ... for such an enterprise is a conceptual
one .... An interpretive social science at this level of analysis is a
philosophical activity because it attempts to reveal the a priori
conditions which make social experience in a given society what
it is.
The interpretive social researcher tries to explain the actions of social actors
by attempting to uncover the intentions of social actors and the rules and
conventions against the background of which the actions take place - what
Fay refers to as the a priori conditions that determine the nature of social life
in a given society. Fay (1975:78-79) continues that:
This is one of the reasons ... why philosophy is essential to
social analysis, so that the oft-expressed hope of separating
philosophy from social science is a misguided one.
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The point that philosophy is essential to social science is made even more
strongly by Winch (1970:3) when he posits a reciprocal relationship between
philosophy and the social world as follows:
To be clear about the nature of philosophy and to be clear about
the nature of the social studies amount to the same thing. For
any worthwhile study of society must be philosophical in
character and any worthwhile philosophy must be concerned
with the nature of human society.
What Winch (1970) is indicating above is that a study of the social world is
inextricably bound up with philosophical issues, and furthermore that
philosophy would be without much value if it was disconnected from the social
world and its problems.
The views of Conroy et al (2008) in relation to the centrality of philosophy to
policy development resonate with the views of Fay (1975) and Winch (1970)
expressed above. The paper by Conroy et al (2008) was written against the
background of two sets of circumstances that have major implications for
educational thought and practice. The one set of circumstances relates to the
declining confidence, from the 1960s onward, in the relevance of philosophy
and of philosophy of education as a result of the perceived disengagement of
philosophy and philosophy of education from the "real" world where
educational problems occur.
The other set of circumstances is that, according to Conroy et al (2008), there
are a number of instances, since the decline in a trust in philosophy, where
policy was implemented without proper philosophical engagement on the part
of the policy developers, with undesirable consequences.
Conroy et al (2008:171) argue that philosophy must not be seen as playing
only a role of concept clarification before policy implementation; philosophy
must be seen as accompanying policy formulation as well as implementation.
In this regard they state that:
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Both large data sets and fine-grained ethnographies offer the
policy makers sources on which to draw, but neither may readily
substitute for thoughtful reflection and engagement where such
thought is conducted not as a private exercise but as a form of a
public deliberation. To perform this function, philosophical
intervention needs to be construed not simply as an initial step
anterior to the task of research, but as a way of standing in
relation to the world of evidence and policy making
throughout the process of investigation and adjudication.
Thus, data collection, though essential to policy development and formulation,
is not sufficient; what is additionally required is public reflection and
deliberation, that is, philosophical engagement. In order to illustrate the
necessity for an engagement with philosophy throughout the acts of policy
formulation and policy implementation Conroy et al (2008:179-181) identify
the following five interrelated stages which define the role of philosophy in
policy development, formulation and implementation: (i) Recognition, which
interrogates taken-for-granted causal relations between social phenomena; (ii)
Diagnosis, which involves an interrogation of the nature of a perceived social
problem; (iii) Prognosis which consists in an interrogation of a number of
possible ways of addressing the social problem in question; (iv) Prescription,
which is the stage where policy is formulated, and where, firstly, policy
makers' understanding of the ethical traditions of a community and of their
vision of a good society must be interrogated, and secondly, where important
epistemological issues such as the perception that schooling does not
prepare young persons for the complex demands of contemporary society
must be interrogated; and (v) Social Practices, which are the outcomes of
policy implementation, must be interrogated on an ongoing basis.
What emerges from the above summary of the five stages of the process of
policy development and implementation is that the notion of interrogation is a
necessary element in each of the five stages, and this points to philosophical
activity in so far as one of the key features of philosophy is the interrogation of
assumptions, presumptions and concepts.
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The views of Conroy et al (2008) regarding the role of philosophy in policy
development and of Fay (1975) about the role of philosophy in social research
generally have implications for my research. During the period 2000 to 2005
significant debates and discussions on values in education took place in
response to DoE initiatives to engage the wider society in deliberations on
values and related issues. The rationale for the values in education initiatives
was to forefront the necessity for a conversation about values, specifically
with reference to education, in order to identify those values that should be
actively nurtured in schools, and to devise teaching strategies to seed and
nurture those values in schools. While I do have a critical approach to the way
the concept 'values' is manifested in some of the DoE initiatives, as well as in
some of the responses to the said initiatives, the crucial nature of such a
public debate as we have seen during the years in question must not be
undervalued. That debate is .an ongoing debate, and this research, with one of
its points of departure of a research design of philosophy as social practice,
hopefully makes a contribution to that ongoing debate.
In the next section I position philosophical investigation - an uncovering of the
grammar of DoE conversations about values in education - as research
method.
2.5 Philosophical investigation: a research method
In Section 2.4 I characterize my research design as that of philosophy as
social practice. This research design points to philosophical investigation as
research method. The assumptions that underlie the view that philosophical
investigation is a valid research method are the following. Philosophy must
.not be regarded simply as a worldview, which is what people might have in
mind when they refer to their "philosophy of life". Philosophy must be viewed
as an activity. One does philosophy; you do not have philosophy. The
distinction here is one that sees the word 'philosophy' as a verb, and not as a
noun.
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Sheffield (2004) presents an argument for viewing philosophy as an important
qualitative research method. Sheffield (2004:761) addresses the questions:
What exactly are philosophy's methodological tools and subject matter? and
Why should philosophical work be understood, at least in part, as a viable
research method?
The structure of Sheffield's (2004) argument is as follows. He begins with the
claim that philosophy must be viewed as social practice (see Section 2.4.3
above). On the basis of his argument to support this claim he concludes with
a "working definition" of philosophic method. It is in terms of this "working
definition" that Sheffield (2004) explicates what he calls the "tools" of
philosophy, as well as the subject matter of philosophy. The "working
definition" finally provides Sheffield (2004) with a way to argue for the
relevance of philosophy. In the next few paragraphs I outline Sheffield's
(2004) argument.
If philosophy were to be shown to be a valid research method, the next
question, then, is What are the "tools" of philosophy?
In order to address this question, Sheffield (2004:762) draws on unpublished
work of Sherman who provides him with a "working definition" of philosophic
method as "the analysis, clarification, and criticism of the language, concepts,
and logic of the ends and means of human experience". The conceptual and
qualitative nature of philosophic method emerges through this "working
definition".
Sheffield (2004:763) points out that the terms analyze, clarify and criticize
indicate the tools of philosophic method. The following extract shows the
close relationship between analysis and clarification, and then singles out
conceptual clarification as one of the responsibilities of philosophers
(Sheffield,2004:763):
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In analysis, one reduces complex ideas or explicates human
situations into understandable, relational concepts. Through
analysis essential concepts that drive practice are extracted ...
so that they may be more easily understood and debated.
Closely related to analysis is clarification .... Philosophers have
... to challenge and ultimately clarify those constructs we use to
make sense of the world; constructs often taken for granted.
Analysis and clarification are accompanied by criticism, which can be viewed
as the third task of the philosopher. Sheffield (2004:763) is explicit about the
relationship between criticism and value judgment:
Criticism means making judgments as to value. Philosophers
judge the instrumental/practical value of those concepts ... for
driving practices and in that critical, interpretive mode build new
and better conceptual understandings ... it is also clear that in
"extracting" conceptual constructs that drive actual practice
(rather than from some imagined practice), philosophy is a very
qualitative, experiential method.
The "working definition" also answers the question as to what the
philosopher's objects of inquiry are. These are language, concepts and logic.
Sheffield (2004:763) writes: "Philosophers apply their traditional tools to the
'language' (how we write and talk about human experience), the 'concepts'
(the ideas) and the 'logic' (the relationship between the way we think, write,
and talk) of human experience".
Finally, Sheffield (2004) argues for the relevance of philosophy as research
method. The "working definition" refers to "the ends and means of human
experience", and Sheffield (2004) refers to the philosopher as philosopher-as-
social practitioner. It is on this view of the philosopher that Sheffield articulates
the relevance of philosophy as social practice alongside other social practices
(2004:763):
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Philosophy attempts to make clear the way we think about
human experience so that reasonable action (means) might
evolve which can lead us to just and socially established goals
(ends) within the human experience .... Philosophers investigate
real problems that might be alleviated through further conceptual
understanding. It is, in this regard, a social practice that is very
qualitative in nature and one, as a social practice, on par with
other, more widely accepted, research practices.
In so far as this research constitutes a theoretical investigation of DoE
conversations about values in education, it attempts an analysis, clarification
and criticism of the language, concepts and logic of DoE conversations about
values in education. Specifically, it investigates DoE arguments for claims
made in the relevant conversations in respect of values in education, and it
clarifies assumptions underpinning these arguments.
The main aim of this research is to clarify the salient features of DoE
conversations about values in education. Subsidiary aims include a
clarification of policy and legislation that frame the relevant DoE
conversations, and an investigation of the grammar of these DoE
conversations. A third subsidiary aim of the research is to draw conclusions in
respect of the significance of DoE conversations about values and make
recommendations for the nurturing of values in education. In line with these
research aims the research questions that drive this thesis are the following.
The main research question that drives this research is stated as follows:
What are salient features of DoE conversations about values in education in
South Africa from 2000 to 2005? The subsidiary research questions are the
following: What policy and legislation frame DoE conversations about values
in education from 2000 to 2005? What is the grammar of DoE conversations
about values in education from 2000 to 2005? What conclusions can be
drawn in respect of DoE conversations about values in education from 2000
to 2005? and what recommendations can be made for the nurturing of values
in education?
Given the above statement of the aims of this research and of the research
questions that drive it, it can be stated that the overall aim is that we deepen
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our understanding of value concepts and take the relevant courses of action.
I thus find Sheffield's (2004) argument to clarify philosophy as valid research
method useful and convincing.
The problem, however, with Sheffield's (2004) characterisation of philosophy
is that it implies a means-end dichotomy, that philosophy is the means
towards certain desirable social goods. This view leads us into instrumental
rationality - that something has value only because of the outcome it can
produce, and it obscures the intrinsic value we attach to it. The intrinsic value
of philosophy for policy makers is illustrated by Conroy et al (2008) who
regard philosophical thinking as playing a constitutive role in policy making,
and not as means to an end.
To return.to the question of philosophical investigation as research method, I
have noted, following Sheffield (2004), that the "tools" of philosophy are
analysis, clarification and criticism, and that its subject matter comprises
language, concepts and logic. Again Conroy et al (2008:174) provide good
insights into what I here refer to as philosophical investigation as research
method when they refer to work of John Wilson (1963) who engaged in
conceptual clarification which can be circumscribed as follows:
[Conceptual clarification] involves the task of getting clear the
meaning of concepts and their logical implications by probing
what we normally mean when we use words - in particular,
what counts as an instance of a particular concept. ... As words
may have more than one use, conceptual analysis pays
attention to criteria that determine the ways in which we use
them.
While Wilson's (1963) work was commendable in that- it encouraged debate
about key concepts for education such as the concepts 'education',
'indoctrination', 'teaching' and 'learning', his work was also criticized for "its
narrow focus on the definition and negotiation of terms" (Conroy et ai,
2008:174). However, Barrow (2000:315) is in agreement with Wilson in
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respect of the link between philosophy and conceptual clarity when he
maintains that:
We both believe that philosophy is essentially the business of
pursuing logical coherence and that a crucial aspect of that is
conceptual clarity. Conceptual clarity is not to be equated with
linguistic clarity, although they are closely related since we do
not in fact have any other way of exploring concepts except
through words.
The above quotation draws attention to the expression of the meanings of
concepts through words. We can articulate the meanings we attach to
concepts only through language. Despite their criticism of Wilson's (1963)
"narrow focus on the definition and negotiation of terms", Conroy et al
(2008: 175) concede that "sensitive attention to meaning has remained a
practically useful dimension of philosophical research about education".
Attention to meaning is one of the foci of this research. In this case it is
attention to meanings assigned to value concepts on the part of the DoE and
on the part of various school communities. Chapter Five highlights, amongst
other things, discrepancies in meanings assigned to value concepts on the
part of the DoE on the one hand and school communities on the other hand.
These discrepancies in meanings assigned to value concepts have
implications for policy on the part of the DoE and practices on the part of
school communities. I pick up on this point in Chapter Five.
2.6 Concluding remarks
In this chapter I attempt to demonstrate that, given the aims of my research,
which are to clarify the salient features of DoE conversations about values in
education as well as policy and legislation that frame these conversations; to
investigate the grammar of these DoE conversations, and finally to draw
conclusions about these conversations and make recommendations about
nurturing values in education, my choices of a qualitative methodological
research paradigm, an interpretive metatheoretical approach, philosophy as
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practice as research design, and philosophical investigation as research
method are appropriate, if not indeed inevitable, choices.
In the next chapter I outline the policy and legislation that frame DoE
conversations about values in education from 2000 to 2005. While the focus
of that chapter is on relevant educational policy and legislation, as it coheres
with the Bill of Rights, in the process the concept 'human rights' is briefly
investigated. This is necessary in so far as South African educational policy
and legislation are consistent with the Bill of Rights, which is a human rights
document.
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CHAPTER THREE
POLICY AND LEGISLATION FRAMING DoE CONVERSATIONS
ABOUT VALUES IN EDUCATION
3.1 Introduction
This chapter contributes to a response to the main research question which is:
What are salient features of DoE conversations about values in education in
South Africa from 2000 to 2005? It does so by responding to two of the
subsidiary research questions, namely: What policy and legislation frame DoE
conversations about values in education from 2000 to 2005? and, to a less
substantial extent than is the case in Chapters Four through to Seven, to the
subsidiary research question: What is the grammar of DoE conversations
about values in education from 2000 to 2005? Therefore, this chapter outlines
policy and legislation that frame DoE conversations about values in education
from 2000 to 2005. This thesis is underpinned by the assumption that Chapter
Two of the Constitution of South Africa, the Bill of Rights, is foundational to
conversations about values in education. The focus of this chapter is on
relevant educational policy and legislation and how these cohere with the Bill
of Rights. In the process I explore the concept 'human rights'. Therefore, in
Section 3.2 I explain what we are to understand by 'human rights' as practice
and as 'moral vision'; contextualize the idea of human rights in South Africa
within global human rights initiatives; and illuminate the relationship between
human rights and values.
Section 3.3 draws attention to the Children's Charter of South Africa (the
Children's Charter). Although this document falls outside the chronological
scope of this thesis, and although it cannot, strictly speaking, be considered to
constitute part of DoE conversations about values in education, it
nevertheless forms part of the background against which DoE conversations
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about values in education took place. Moreover, values promoted in
educational policy and legislation find resonance with the Children's Charter.
Section 3.4 focuses on those sections of the Constitution of South Africa and
the Bill of Rights that have specific significance for conversations about values
in education; draw attention to South African state institutions for the fostering
of human rights; and illuminate South Africa's current position within the
international human rights community.
Section 3.5 outlines educational policy and legislation that form the backdrop
to DoE conversations about values in education, while Section 3.6 outlines
guidelines for teachers in respect of values in education, and briefly
investigates the grammar of some guidelines. Section 3.7 provides concluding
remarks and indicates- the subject matter of Chapter Four.
3.2 Human rights as moral vision
The section heading 'Human rights as moral vision' begs a discussion of what
this thesis understands by 'moral vision' and by 'morality'. In Chapter Four,
Section 4.3.2 I discuss the relation between 'values' and 'morality' in relation
to the Values Report. In that section I use Gert's (2008) distinction between
normative and descriptive uses of 'morality', where normative uses would
apply to all rational persons and descriptive uses of the term would apply to
particular groupings of persons who share a moral code, for example a
religious grouping. Gert (2008:13) defines morality as follows:
Morality is an informal public system applying to all rational
persons, governing behaviour that affects others, and has the
lessening of evil or harm as its goal.
In the extract above 'morality' is used in a normative sense - it is a public
system applicable to all rational persons. In so far as it is an 'informal' system,
its precepts are not legally binding; it has a different kind of compulsion, of
which societal ostracizing may be one.
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The remainder of this section does a brief clarification of the concept 'human
rights', explores the relation between human rights and morality, and spells
out what is to be understood by 'human rights as moral vision'.
Human rights are, according to Donelly (1989), Bailey (1990), Rayner (2009),
Fagan (2005) and Nickel (2010), the rights one has by virtue of being human.
Fagan (2005: 1) states that "human rights are certain moral guarantees". The
link is made between 'human rights' and morality. Nickel (2010:2-4) also
makes reference to the link between human rights and morality when he
provides a useful characterization of the concept 'human rights' through
drawing attention to eight elements that constitute human rights. The second
of these elements explains how human rights exist as moral and/or legal
rights and in four ways (Nickel, 2010:2-3):
A human right can exist as (1) a shared norm of actual moralities,
(2) a justified moral norm supported by strong reasons, (3) a
legal right at the national level (here it might be referred to as a
'civil' or 'constitutional' right), or (4) a legal right within
international law.
A "shared norm of actual moralities" would be a moral right held in common
by multiple, perhaps in other respects, diverging communities. A "justified
moral norm" would be a moral right recognised as such by a specific
community. A "civil" or "constitutional" right would be any of the rights
enumerated in the South African Constitution. A "legal right within
international law" would be a right as contained in, for example, the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International
Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights which were adopted by the
General Assembly of the United Nations in 1966 and which are legally
binding. In summary, according to Nickel (2010:2-4), human rights can exist
as moral and/or legal rights.
Donelly (1989) locates the existence of human rights in morality, which is
unique to human beings. He argues (1989:9) that "by 'human being' we mean
much more than a creature of a particular species and genus". Donelly (1989)
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locates human rights in the 'nature' of human beings. Human beings are
moral beings: "The 'nature' which underlies natural or human rights is the
moral nature of a human being" (Donelly, 1989:9). If we recognize human
beings as moral beings, we simultaneously recognise the social nature of
human beings as well as the participatory nature of relationships between
human beings. The concept 'morality' does not make sense without the
presence of the other - the social - and presupposes a unique relationship
between human beings as moral beings.
Human rights are the rights not only of certain categories of persons, but of all
human beings the world over. Fagan (2005: 1) states that "Human rights are
frequently held to be universal in the sense that all people have and should
enjoy them". In respect of the universality of human rights Donelly (1989:9)
states:
Since all human beings 'have' the same basic nature and have it
'equally', the rights based on this nature must be universal and
held equally by all. Human rights are also universal rights in the
further sense that they hold against all men (sic) and institutions;
they are what jurists call rights in rem - i.e. rights to some
'thing', which therefore place obligation on people in a position
to deny or violate them - rather than rights in personam, which
hold only against a special class of persons.
Donelly (1989: 12) makes the significant point that human rights must not be
regarded as 'things' to be had; instead, we must recognise that human rights
constitute a social practice. In Chapter Two, Section 2.4.3 with reference to
philosophy as social practice, I make some brief comments about what
constitutes a social practice, and indicate there that a social practice evolves
over time, that it has a history, and to use words of Macintyre (1984), it is a
"cooperative human activity". There is no sharp focus in the DoE
conversations on the concept 'human rights'. However, the school-based
research undertaken during 2004 had as its specific focus to establish what
the status quo was in relation to the fostering of democratic values, that is,
human rights values in schools (see Chapter Seven, Section 7.2.2). It
emerges from the findings of the Mpumalanga Provincial Report that poor
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discipline in schools constitutes a barrier to the fostering of a culture of human
rights in schools (see Chapter Seven, Section 7.3). This would indicate that
'human rights as practice' has not yet found expression. Fagan (2005:2)
appears to underwrite the notion of 'human rights as practice' when he refers
to the "theory and practice" of human rights, and when he states explicitly:
The doctrine of human rights rests on a particularly fundamental
philosophical claim: that there exists a rationally identifiable
moral order, an order whose legitimacy precedes contingent
social and historical conditions and applies to all human beings
everywhere.
Fagan (2005:2) makes two points here: that morality is fundamental to human
rights, and that human rights are universal. To return to the point made by
both Donelly and Fagan, that human rights constitute a -practice, we should
ask, not what human rights are, but how human rights work (Donelly,
1989:12-13):
Unless we want to eliminate the language and behaviour
particularly characteristic of rights, we must resist seeking to
reduce rights to obligations - or to anything else - and instead
examine the workings of the practice. If we want to understand
rights, we must explore the bonds between the right-holders,
duty-bearers and rights-objects, the rules by which their
relationships are governed, and the patterns and processes
through which these relations unfold.
Key words in the quotation above and which relate to the notion of 'human
rights as practice' are 'rules' and 'relationships'. Practices are governed by
rules. As with any practice there are rules that govern human rights as
practice. The notion of 'rules' in relation to 'human rights as practice' points to
particular types of relationships between persons. In order for human rights as
practice to flourish, there must be particular kinds of relationships between
persons, for example relationships of profound respect for the other. These
relationships find expression in human actions. Thus, the idea of human rights
as practice also illuminates the link between human rights, human action and
moral vision. In this regard Donelly (1989:31) writes:
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Human rights are not 'given' to man by God, nature, or the
physical facts of life; to think of them in such terms is to remain
tied to a vision of human rights as things. Like other social
practices human rights arise from human action. Human rights
represent the choice of a particular moral vision of human
potentiality and the institutions for realising that vision.
Choices regarding a "particular moral vision" or visions for society have seen,
at various times in history, at various places in the world, the formulation of
these respective visions. In 1996, with the adoption of the new Constitution,
which includes the Bill of Rights, South Africa's "particular moral vision of
human potentiality and the institutions for realising that vision", to use words
of Donelly (1989:31), were realised. The Constitution of South Africa is a
written construct of the mentioned 'moral vision', and parliament and the
constitutional court are but two of the institutions by means of which that
moral vision may be realised. The Constitution of South Africa adopted in
1996 was preceded by human rights initiatives that culminated in documents
such as the Women's Charter of 1954 and the Freedom Charter of 1955
(Asmal, 2004:2).
Chapter One of the Constitution, the Founding Provisions (Section 1, a-d),
states explicitly that South Africa is a sovereign, democratic state, and that it
is founded on the following values: human dignity, the achievement of
equality, the advancement of human rights and freedoms, non-racialism,
supremacy of the constitution, the rule of law, universal adult suffrage, a
national common voters roll, regular elections, and a multi-party system of
democratic government to ensure accountability, responsiveness and
openness.
The link between values and human rights is clear: 'human rights' is itself a
value. Furthermore, 'human rights' is a practice (Donelly, 1989:31). But this
practice can be sustained only if there is vigorous engagement with the
practice itself. But a vigorous engagement with the practice of human rights is
possible only if other values such as respect and openness are brought on
board. In other words, human rights practices go hand in hand with actions
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that are underpinned by values such as respect and openness. However, in
order for a practice to flourish within a community of practitioners, there has to
be some shared understanding amongst the participants in respect of what
the practice entails: in other words, there must be some shared understanding
of the standards of the practice. Therefore, in order for the practice of human
rights to flourish, there must be some shared understanding of what the
practice of human rights entails. Human rights are manifested only in a
community where there is a shared understanding of the values that underpin
the value human rights.
I now turn to policy and legislation that form the backdrop for conversations
about values in education. However, before I discuss the Bill of Rights and
relevant educational policy and legislation, I draw attention to the Children's
Charter of South Africa (hereafter referred to as the Children's Charter) in so
far as this document and the events that culminated in the publication thereof
predate all other documents cited in this chapter. Although the Children's
Charter was accepted before the first democratic elections of 1994 it must
nevertheless be regarded as one of the important policy initiatives that set the
stage for the movement of South Africa from an apartheid state to a
democratic state.
3.3 The Children's Charter of South Africa
It is important for this thesis to take cognizance of the Children's Charter in so
far as it is a document that outlines how values such as 'human rights',
'dignity' and 'respect' are neglected in the lives of many children in South
Africa. It is a document that spells out what the rights of children are, and
what values underpin the rights of children. In this reqard it is a document that
sets the scene for DoE conversations about values in education, which is the
subject of investigation of this thesis.
The Children's Charter was formulated as the outcome of the proceedings of
the International Summit on the Rights of Children in South Africa that was
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held from 27 May to 1 June 1992 in Somerset West near Cape Town. This
International Summit formed part of the International Conference on the
Rights of Children in South Africa that was held from 10 to 13 June 1992 and
was hosted by the Community Law Centre, University of the Western Cape,
near Bellville. The International Summit as well as the International
Conference followed on the Harare Conference on Children, Repression and
Law of 1987 (http://www.naturalchild.com/advocacy/south africa/children's
charter.html).
In this section I use two versions of the Children's Charter, the Natural Child
Project version, which has a preamble but no Article Seven, and the
Children's Rights Centre version, which has no preamble but which includes
Article Seven.
The Natural Child Project version of the Children's Charter comprises a
Preamble and two parts. Part One, Article One, defines a child as any person
under the age of 18 years old. Part One, Article Two, defines the rationale for
the Children's Charter as follows (http://www.naturalchild.com/advocacy/south
africa/children's charter.html):
Children are not treated with the respect and dignity that every
human being deserves, but instead are subjected to violence,
poverty, racism, and the ignorance of adults. Children continue
to suffer from the inequalities of apartheid, especially in the area
of education. Children do not receive proper health and medical
care and attention, yet do not have the right to demand
treatment. Children are arrested, tried without lawyers and held
in prisons.
The above rationale resonates with what is public knowledge about what
some children in South Africa have been subjected to, and still are subjected
to. The quotation above is as relevant to the lives of children today as it was in
the early 1990s. Currently, many children are not treated with respect and
dignity; many children are subjected to violence, poverty and racism; and
many children do not enjoy proper schooling or proper health care.
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Part Two of the Children's Charter comprises ten articles, each with a specific
theme. Article One asks for the protection and guarantees of all the rights set
out in the Charter, and includes the statement that all parties concerned with
the rights of children should do everything possible to ensure that children are
not discriminated against on any basis whatever. Article Two states that all
children have the right, from the time they are born, to a name and a
nationality. Article Three focuses on the right of children to freedom of
expression. Article Four states the right of children to freedom of religion,
culture and beliefs. Article Five is a statement about the right of children to be
free from all forms of violence specified in that article. Article Six is a
statement about the right of children to a secure, nurturing family life. Article
Eight sets out the rights of children regarding education. Article Nine sets out
the right of children to be protected from any form of child labour. Article Ten
sets out the rights of homeless children. (There is no Article Seven in this
version of the Children's Charter, as a result of an omission.)
The Children's Rights Centre (http://www.crc.sa.co.za/pages/20733) has a
version of the Children's Charter which does not have a Preamble, but it does
have an Article Seven which states that all children have the right to adequate
health care, both before and after birth, and that children should be protected
from harmful and toxic substances.
From the above it is clear that the values that underpin the Children's Charter
are the values of non-discrimination, freedom of expression and of religion,
culture and beliefs, freedom from all forms of violence, and the value of
security within family life.
Article Eight of The Children's Charter (http://www.naturalchild.com/advocacyl
southafrica/children'scharter.html) has specific relevance for education. It is
also relevant for the research undertaken via this thesis in so far as it
articulates values that form the subject of discussion of the DoE conversations
about values in education which are of relevance to this thesis. I return to this
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point below. The next four paragraphs summarise the stipulations of Article
Eight.
All children have the right to free and equal, non-racial, non-sexist and
compulsory education which is in their interest, which develop their talents,
and which takes place within adequate educational facilities and within one
education department. Children have the right to free and adequate sporting
and recreational facilities.
Teachers should be appropriately qualified, should be evaluated and
monitored, and should treat children with patience, respect and dignity.
Parents have the duty to become involved in their children's education and
development and to participate in their children's education at school and at
home.
All children have the right to participate in the evaluation and upgrading of the
curriculum, and have the right to education on issues such as sexuality, AIDS,
human rights, history and family life.
The previous four paragraphs show that education itself is regarded as being
valuable. The following values emerge from the above summary of Article
Eight, with specific reference to education: freedom, equality, non-racism,
non-sexism, patience, respect and dignity. It becomes clear below that these
are values that are promoted in the Constitution. These are also values that
feature prominently in DoE conversations about values and are promoted in
the Manifesto which I discuss in Chapter Six. The Manifesto explicitly
promotes the values of equality, non-racism and non-sexism, respect and
dignity (ubuntu). One could say that two of the values that emerge from an
examination of Article Eight, namely freedom and patience, although not
explicitly mentioned in DoE conversations about values are, nevertheless
contained in some other values promoted by the DoE as follows, and via the
Manifesto: the value freedom is contained in the value democracy and the
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value patience is contained in the value ubuntu (human dignity). The
Children's Charter is indeed one of the sources of DoE conversations about
values in education.
I next outline the relevant sections of the Constitution of the Republic of South
Africa (hereafter referred to as the Constitution) and the Bill of Rights and,
after that, education policy and legislation that frame DoE conversations about
values in education from 2000 to 2005. In the process I attempt to show to
what extent policy and legislation regarding education and educational
provision resonate with the values that underpin the Children's Charter and
those that underpin the Constitution. It is also shown in what respects the
values of the Constitution resonate with the values of the Children's Charter.
3.4 The Constitution and the Bill of Rights
The promotion of human rights is one of the founding values of the
Constitution. Chapter One of the Constitution, the Founding Provisions
(Section 1, a-d), states explicitly that South Africa, is a sovereign, democratic
state, and that it is founded on the following values: human dignity, the
achievement of equality, the advancement of human rights and freedoms,
non-racialism, supremacy of the constitution, the rule of law, universal adult
suffrage, a national common voters roll, regular elections, and a multi-party
system of democratic government to ensure accountability, responsiveness
and openness.
I now turn to the Bill of Rights as a document that crucially underpins DoE
conversations about values in education.
Chapter Two of the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, states in Paragraph 7 (1):
This Bill of Rights is a cornerstone of democracy in South Africa.
It enshrines the rights of all people in our country and affirms the
democratic values of human dignity, equality and freedom.
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The Bill of Rights details the rights of persons living in South Africa. These are
rights to which human beings are entitled, and include the following rights
(Paragraphs 9-27; 29-34): Equality before the law; Human dignity; Freedom
and security of the person; Be protected against slavery, servitude and forced
labour; Privacy; Freedom of religion, belief and opinion; Freedom of
expression; Freedom of assembly, demonstration, picket and petition;
Freedom of association; Political freedom; Citizenship; Freedom of movement
and residence; Freedom of trade, occupation and profession; Fair labour
practices; A healthy environment; Property; Housing; Health care; Education;
Freedom of language and culture; Free access to information; Just
administrative action; and Access to courts. It is against the backdrop of the
freedoms or rights of persons living in South Africa that conversations about
values in education are articulated, in so far as values such as democracy,
equality and other values promoted in the Manifesto are derived from. the
freedoms and rights detailed in the Bill of Rights.
Paragraph 28 of the Bill of Rights also details the rights of children. According
to that paragraph, children have the right to: A name and nationality; Parental
or alternative care; Basic nutrition, shelter, health care and social services;
Protection from maltreatment, neglect, abuse, or degradation; Protection from
exploitative labour practices; and Protection from wrongful and inappropriate
detention. Thus, Paragraph 28 relates specifically to children, and the rights
detailed in that paragraph find expression in DoE conversations about values
in education for example in the promotion, via the Manifesto, of the values of
social justice and equity, ubuntu (human dignity), accountability and the rule
of law. However, the Manifesto, the document that articulates the culmination
of early DoE conversations about values in education, does not explicitly
articulate the rights of children as outlined in the Bill of Rights. This ls a
weakness on the part of the Manifesto in the articulation of values that must
be promoted in schools.
The stipulations of Paragraph 28, as well as stipulations regarding human
rights generally as referred to in this Section resonate with the values
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identified above as underpinning the Children's Charter, namely 'non-
discrimination', 'freedom of expression and of religion, culture and beliefs',
'freedom from all forms of violence', and 'security within family life'.
The Constitution of South Africa that came into effect during 1996 is clearly
one that has the idea of human rights firmly in the centre. It is not only by
virtue of its constitution that South Africa has shown its commitment to human
rights. There are also a number of international organisations that address a
range of human rights issues, and to which South Africa is a party. Within the
country there are a number of state institutions that oversee human rights
issues. I enumerate some of these below in order to illustrate South Africa's
commitment to a human rights society, which is what must be borne in mind
from Chapter Four onwards when the discussion in this thesis is, amongst
other things, about the kind of society schooling is expected to prepare
children for.
The following state institutions are designed to protect human rights in South
Africa and to strengthen democracy (Third World Conference Against Racism:
hUp://www.racism.gov.za/hostipasa.htm): The Public Prosecutor; The Human
Rights Commission; The Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the
Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities; The Commission for
Gender Equality; the Auditor General; and The Independent Electoral
Commission.
The following are some of the international human rights organisations which
are supported by South Africa (Third World Conference Against Racism:
hUp://www.racism.gov.za/hostipasa.htm): International Convention on the
Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD);' Convention on the
Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide; Convention for the
Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and of the Exploitation of the prostitution
of others, plus final protocol; Convention on the Political Rights of Women;
Convention on the Nationality of Married Women; International Covenant on
Economic, Social and Cultural Rights; African Charter of Human and People's
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Rights; Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Women and Children;
Convention on the Rights of the Child; Convention Relating to the Status of
Refugees; Convention Against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or
Degrading Treatment or Punishment; the Slavery Convention; and Geneva
Convention I to V.
An enumeration of international human rights bodies that are supported by
South Africa as well as the South African state institutions for the protection of
human rights gives an indication of the country's commitment internationally
and nationally to the nurturing of a culture of human rights. Nationally, in the
sphere of education, this same commitment holds, as becomes evident from
an examination of educational policy and legislation.
In the educational arena the Bill of Rights translates into the National Policy
Education Act 27 of 1996 which frames subsequent policy and legislation in
education. These, in turn, frame DoE conversations about values in
education. I next outline educational policy and legislation that frame DoE
conversations about values in education. In so doing I respond to one of my
subsidiary research questions, namely: What policy and legislation frame DoE
conversations about values in education from 2000 to 2005?
3.5 Education policy and legislation
After the election of the first democratic government in South Africa in 1994,
the adoption of a new constitution followed during 1996. Education policy and
legislation followed the adoption of the Constitution, and these acts of
legislation and policies were, of necessity, in line with the Constitution.
The South African Schools Act 84 of 1996 is preceded by the National
Education Policy Act 27 of 1996 (hereafter referred to as the National
Education Policy Act). This latter Act provides the framework for all education
legislation in South Africa from 1996 onwards, and is in line with the human
rights character of the Constitution. The Preamble to the National Education
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Policy Act 27 defines the purpose of this legislation as follows (Brunton &
Associates, 2003:A 2):
[There is a need] to adopt legislation to facilitate the democratic
transformation of the national system of education into one
which serves the needs and interests of all the people of South
Africa and upholds their fundamental rights.
Thus, South Africa's new education system is founded on the values that
underpin the value 'human rights'.
The National Education Policy Act thus provides a framework for the South
African Schools Act 84 of 1996 (hereafter referred to as the South African
Schools Act) which legislates in respect of primary and secondary schooling
in South Africa. This Act has a strong focus on the advancement of human
rights. During the course of my outline of stipulations of the Act that are of
relevance to this thesis, I indicate how the Act promotes Constitutional values.
The Preamble to the South African Schools Act defines the purpose of this
legislation as arising from the need for (Brunton & Associates, 2003:B 3-4):
A new national system for schools which will redress past
injustices in educational provision, [and] provide an education of
progressively high quality for all learners and in so doing lay a
strong foundation for the development of all our people's talents
and capabilities, advance the democratic transformation of
society, combat racism and sexism and all other forms of unfair
discrimination and intolerance, contribute to the eradication of
poverty and the economic well-being of society, protect and
advance our diverse cultures and languages, uphold the rights
of all learners, parents and educators, and promote their
acceptance of responsibility for the organization, governance
and funding of schools in partnership with the state.
The values that underpin the South African Schools Act are, therefore, values
such as 'equity' (in respect of the redress of past injustices in educational
provision); 'democracy'; 'anti-racism'; 'anti-sexism'; non-discrimination';
'tolerance'; and 'diversity' and 'multilingualism' (in respect of protecting and
advancing diverse cultures and languages).
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The Act links the upholding of the rights of all members of the school
community - learners, parents and educators - to their joint responsibility for
the organization, governance and funding of schools. These responsibilities
are to be met in partnership with the state. The value 'responsibility' is
promoted here. One may argue that, in this context, 'responsibility' is linked to
the value 'accountability' in so far as 'taking responsibility for something'
requires that, at some point, one has to give an account of whether or not one
has carried out that responsibility.
The South African Schools Act protects various rights of learners. It protects
the learner's right to education. The clause on compulsory school attendance
[Chapter Two (3)] protects this right. It places a legal responsibility upon
parents, other caregivers, educators, the relevant education officials and the
public in general to advance compulsory school attendance.
A learner's right to education is further protected by this Act in respect of the
learner's right to admission to any public school. The South African Schools
Act [paragraph 5. (3)] states explicitly that a learner may not be refused
permission to a public school if parents cannot or have not paid school fees,
or if parents do not subscribe to the mission statement of a school, or if a
parent refuses to enter into a contract in terms of which the parent waives
claims for damage to the learner.
The South African Schools Act gives expression to the Constitutional
imperative regarding the right of persons to freedom of language and culture
in the following ways: firstly the South African Schools Act [paragraph 6. (2)]
makes provision for the governing body of a public school to determine the
language policy of the school, provided it is in line with 'the provisions of the
Constitution, the South African Schools Act and relevant provincial laws;
secondly, the Act [paragraph 6. (1)] makes provision for the formulation and
implementation of norms and standards for language policy in public schools;
and thirdly the Act [paragraph 6. (4)] recognises sign language as an official
language for the purpose of teaching and learning at public schools.
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Various sections of the Act explicitly protect the rights of learners. The Act
requires that the governing body of a public school adopts a code of conduct,
but after consultation with learners, parents and educators [paragraph 8. (1)].
This section also states that a code of conduct "must contain provisions of
due process safe-guarding the interests of the learner" [paragraph 8. (5)]. The
remainder of this section outlines procedures for fair and humane disciplinary
procedures [paragraph 8. (6-9)]. These are procedures which, it would
appear, gives expression to the protection afforded to children under
Paragraph 28 of the Bill of Rights, namely protection from maltreatment,
neglect, abuse or degradation. In so far as the Act prohibits corporal
punishment [paragraph 10. (1)] it also gives expression to the protection of
children against degradation.
_The Act also prohibits initiation practices in order to protect the right of.
learners and others. The Act defines initiation practices as a set of actions
which, amongst other things [South African Schools Act (paragraph 10A. 3)]:
Endangers the mental or physical health or safety of a person;
Undermines the intrinsic worth of human beings by treating
some as inferior to others; Subjects individuals to humiliating or
violent acts which undermine the constitutional guarantee to
dignity in the Bill of Rights; Undermines the fundamental rights
and values that underpin the Constitution; and Impedes the
development of a true democratic culture that entitles an
individual to be treated as worthy of respect and concern.
In respect of the prohibition of initiation practices, the Act promotes the values
'human dignity', 'equality', 'respect', and 'democracy. These are some of the
founding values of the Constitution (see Section 3.4 - The Constitution and
the Bill of Rights), and are also some of the values promoted in DoE
conversations about values in education, notably in the Manifesto.
The Act legislates that Representative Councils of Learners (RCLs) are
compulsory at public schools that enrol learners from Grade 8 and upward
(paragraph 11). This makes provision for the democratic organisation of high
schools. Thus, the value 'democracy' finds expression here, and young
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persons are provided with the opportunity to practise democracy, not only
when there are elections for RCLs but also in respect of practising democratic
decision-making.
The Act makes provision for inclusive education. It stipulates that [paragraph
12. (3-4)]:
A public school may be an ordinary public school ora public
school for learners with special education needs. The member
of the executive council must, where practicable, provide
education for learners with special education needs at ordinary
public schools and provide relevant educational support services
for such learners.
From this extract it is clear that 'inclusivity' is another value to be promoted by
the Schools Act. Together with the value .'inclusivity' it emerges from this
section that constitutional values that are promoted by the Schools Act are
equity'; 'democracy'; 'anti-racism'; 'anti-sexism'; non-discrimination';
'tolerance'; 'diversity'; 'multilingualism'; 'responsibility'; accountability; 'human
dignity', 'equality'; and 'respect'.
These values feature strongly in subsequent DoE conversations about values
in education which I examine in Chapters Four, Five, Six and Seven of this
thesis. Indeed, between two of the sets of conversations about values in
education which form the subject of study of this thesis, namely the Values
Report and the Manifesto, all the above mentioned Constitutional values, with
the exception of the value 'non-discrimination', are explicitly identified as
values that must be nurtured in schools.
Values in education is further emphasised in a policy document that was
published by the DoE during 2000. This is the Norms and Standards for
Educators, which I outline briefly below.
The Norms and Standards for Educators policy document was published
during February 2000. This document provides teachers and teacher
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education institutions with the minimum requirements in respect of
competences a teacher should develop. The Norms and Standards document
identifies seven roles a teacher must fulfil. The seven roles are that of learning
mediator; interpreter and designer of learning programmes and materials;
leader, administrator and manager; scholar, researcher and life-long learner;
a community, citizenship and pastoral role; assessor; and learning
area/subjecUdiscipline/phase specialist (Brunton & Associates, 2003: A-47).
Together with the identification of the seven roles of the educator, the
document identifies three sets of applied competences (Brunton & Associates,
2003: A-48-53). The first of these sets of applied competences are practical
competences which relate to the ability of a teacher to consider a range of
possible actions, and choose the most appropriate for the context. A second
set of applied competences comprise the foundational competences which
relate to an understanding of the knowledge and thinking that underpins an
action. A third set of applied competences constitute the reflexive
competences which relate to the ability to adapt and change and provide
reasons for such adaptations and change.
As stated above, The Norms and Standards for Educators document identifies
a community, citizenship and pastoral role as one of seven roles an educator
must fulfil. This role requires a commitment on the part of an educator to the
Constitution, to the values underpinning the Constitution, and to the
advancement of a democratic culture. This role is formulated as follows
(Brunton & Associates, 2003:A-47):
The educator will practise and promote a critical commitment
and ethical attitude towards developing a sense of respect and
responsibility towards others. The educator will uphold the
constitution and promote democratic values and practices in
schools and society. Within the school, the educator will
demonstrate an ability to develop a supportive and empowering
environment for the learners and respond to the educational and
other needs of learners and fellow educators.
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The values teachers should actualise, in terms of the above role of the
educator, are 'respect', responsibility', 'democracy', and 'responsiveness' (in
respect of learners' needs, the needs of colleagues, and those of the
community and the environment).
I next turn to an outline of the RNCS (2002) where the values of the
Constitution are emphasised as the values that should be promoted in
schools. I begin the next section by very briefly placing the RNCS within the
context of developing education policy in South Africa during the late 1990s
and early 2000s.
Jansen (Jansen & Christie, 1999:4) refers to the year 1990 as significant in so
far as it was the start of a radically new type of debate around school
curriculum in South Africa, in order to provide an alternative to the curriculum
of the apartheid state. It falls outside the scope of this thesis to sketch the
history of curriculum debates that resulted in the introduction of Curriculum
2005 (C2005). However, there are two points Jansen (Jansen & Christie,
1999:4-13) makes in his introduction to the publication Changing Curriculum
that are of relevance here.
The first point is that the National Education Coordinating Committee (NECC),
a grouping of education and labour stakeholders, initiated the National
Education Policy Investigation (NEPI) which put forward, during 1992, a broad
values framework for deliberating about education and schooling in a
democratic South Africa. The NEPI framework emphasised the values 'non-
racism', non-sexism', 'democracy', 'equity' and 'redress'. The significance of
this is that the values emphasised by the NEPI framework are at the centre of
the DoE conversations about values in education that are the subject- of
investigation of this thesis. This shows how the values that are the subject of
DoE conversations about values in education have their roots in discussions
that predate the formulation of the Constitution and education policy and
legislation of 1996.
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The second point is that the notion of an outcomes-based education (OBE)
was introduced by way of documentation during late 1996, and the notion of
OBE was coupled with the notion of C2005 which was officially launched in
March 1997 and implemented in January 1998 in Grade 1 classrooms across
South Africa.
Prior to the implementation of C2005 the Education Ministry had approved a
Draft Statement of the National Curriculum for Grades R to 9 (known as the
National Curriculum Statement or NCS) during September 1997. During 2000
a review of the curriculum took place and the Report of the Review Committee
recommended that the curriculum be streamlined and strengthened. After
public comment and public hearings the RNCS was published during 2002.
The RNCS consists of an overview and eight learning area statements. In this
section I focus on the overview (referred to here as the Overview document).
The Overview document states unequivocally (DoE, 2002:6):
The constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Act no
108 of 1996) provides the basis for curriculum transformation
and development in contemporary South Africa.
Thus, the Constitution is, according to the Overview document, what drives
contemporary schooling in South Africa. Since this is the case, it is to be
expected that the values of the Constitution would be at the centre of
curriculum policy. This is illustrated by the identification on the part of the
Overview document with the Manifesto which identifies ten fundamental
values of the Constitution that must be seeded in schools. The RNCS
Overview document states explicitly that the sixteen strategies identified in the
Manifesto aims at familiarising the youth of South Africa with the values of the
Constitution and that these values "find expression in the Revised National
Curriculum Statement" (DoE, 2002:7). (I address the Manifesto in Chapter
Six.) The values of the Constitution do indeed find expression in the RNCS,
as I proceed to show over the next few paragraphs.
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The Overview document further expresses its commitment to the inculcation
in the youth of the founding values of the Constitution, and refers to the Bill of
Rights which, as I have shown earlier in this section, promotes the values
'equality', 'human dignity', 'freedom and security of persons', and 'freedom of
religion and belief, expression and association', and states explicitly (DoE,
2002:8):
The Revised National Curriculum Statement seeks to embody
these values in the knowledge and skills it develops. It
encourages amongst all learners an awareness and
understanding of the rich diversity of cultures, beliefs and world
views within which the unity of South Africa is manifested.
Thus, the RNCS also promotes the value 'diversity' and indeed claims that it
is in diversity that unity is manifested. However, the RNCS ideal of unity
through diversity is far more difficult to achieve than the RNCS would want,
and is an example of the gap between policy and practice.
The Overview document further identifies the kind of learner and the kind of
teacher it envisages. These persons would clearly embrace the values of the
Constitution. In respect of learners it states (DoE, 2002:8):
The challenge for the Revised National Curriculum Statement is
how the goals and values of social justice, equity and
democracy can be interwoven across the curriculum. The
promotion of values is important not only for the sake of
personal development, but also to ensure that a national South
African identity is built on values different from those that
underpinned apartheid education. The kind of learner envisaged
is one who will be imbued with the values and act in the
interests of a society based on respect for democracy, equality,
human dignity, life and social justice.
Four things about the above quotation are significant in respect of DoE
conversations about values in education. The first point to be made is that
teachers, pupils and the general public do not necessarily have a shared
understanding of the aims of the RNCS, or of the values promoted by the
RNCS. A notable example of this can be found in teachers', pupils' and
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parents' responses to questions about the way they understood the values
promoted by the Values Report. In Chapter Five, Section 5.2.2 - Meanings
assigned to value concepts - I document the divergent ways in which value
concepts are understood by teachers, pupils and parents. The second point is
that the RNCS envisages a learner who is inducted not only into literacy and
numeracy, but for whom values formation forms part of the school curriculum.
Thirdly, the RNCS envisages a nation building project through the curriculum
- in the quotation there is reference to 'a national South African identity'. The
fourth point is, and this is in keeping with the third point mentioned, the
curriculum envisages citizenship education for learners in so far as reference
is made in the last sentence to how a learner will conduct herself or himself in
a democratic society. In Chapters Four, Five and Six of this thesis I explore
the alignment of DoE conversations about values in education with citizenship
education and nation building.
The Overview document then spells out in full detail the kind of future citizen
the education and training system aims to create, and does so by listing the
critical and developmental outcomes that are derived from the Constitution,
and that are contained in the South African Qualifications Act, and that would
be made explicit in each of the eight learning areas (DoE, 2002:11).
It is in this regard that the Overview document highlights human rights,
together with social justice, a healthy environment and inclusivity as key
values to be advanced through each of the eight learning areas (DoE,
2002:10):
The Revised National Curriculum Statement has tried to ensure
that all Learning Area Statements reflect the principles and
practices of social justice, respect for the environment and
human rights as defined in the Constitution.
The Revised National Curriculum Statement adopts an inclusive
approach by specifying minimum requirements for all learners.
The special educational, social, emotional and physical needs of
learners will be addressed in the design and development of
appropriate Learning Programmes.
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Thus, the RNCS is firmly rooted in the values of the Constitution, and provides
a framework for DoE conversations about values in education that is the
object of study in this thesis. However, these are high ideals to achieve and,
given the imbalances inherited from the past and which continue to exist in
the majority of schools, this may also be an unrealistic expectation.
I now turn to a topic that features prominently in DoE conversations about
values in education, namely the topic of language which, in the South African
context, is intertwined with the issue of multilingualism. In this regard I outline
the policies adopted in respect of language, namely the norms and standards
for language policy in public schools.
This section serves to draw attention to language policy by virtue of its
pertinence to the language rights of persons as set out in the Constitution,
namely the right to freedom of language and culture (Constitution of the
Republic of South Africa Act 108 of 1996: point 30). However, since language
policy is not the focus of this thesis, language policy developments are not
examined here in detail.
The Norms and Standards for language policy in public schools was
published in December 1997 (Brunton & Associates, 2003:B 31) and outlines
two policies. These two policies were published in May 1997 and are the
Language in Education Policy in terms of section 3 (4) (rn) of the National
Education Policy Act of 1996 and the Norms and Standards regarding
language policy published in terms of section 6 (1) of the South African
Schools Act of 1996.
According to Brunton & Associates (2003:B 31) these two policies were widely
discussed and debated, and were commented on formally and publicly, and
were taken forward in discussions that culminated in the Language Policy and
Plan for South Africa of 2000.
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I provide some brief remarks about aspects of these three policies, namely (i)
the Language in Education Policy; (ii) the Norms and Standards regarding
Language Policy; and (iii) the Language Policy and Plan for South Africa of
2000 in order to highlight the values that these policies attempt to promote.
The Preamble to the Language in Education Policy (Brunton & Associates,
2003:B 31) states:
The Department of Education recognises that our cultural
diversity is a valuable national asset and hence is tasked ... to
promote multilingualism ... and respect for all languages used in
the country, including South African Sign Language .... The new
language in education policy is conceived as an integral and
necessary aspect of the new government's strategy of building a
non-racial nation in South Africa .... Being multilingual should be
a defining characteristic of being South African.
The constitutional values promoted in the above extract are 'diversity',
'multilingualism', 'respect' (in this context, respect for all the languages
spoken by the people of South Africa), and 'non-racialism'. From the above
extract it can be seen that 'inclusivity' is another value that is promoted
through the Language in Education Policy, in so far as South African Sign
Language must also be recognised and respected. These are values that are
contained in the DoE conversations about values in education that constitute
the subject for investigation in Chapters Four, Five and Six of this thesis.
The value 'diversity' is explicitly mentioned in respect of the Norms and
Standards regarding language policy, where diversity is again referred to as 'a
national asset' (Brunton & Associates, 2003:B 32) in so far as these norms
and standards aim, amongst other things, at redressing the previous neglect
of historically disadvantaged languages ..
As has been mentioned above, discussions and debates around the
Language in education policy and the Norms and Standards regarding
language were taken forward in discussions that culminated in the Language
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Policy and Plan for South Africa of 2000. I briefly illuminate the values
promoted by this policy and plan.
On 6 November 2000 the final draft of the Language Policy and Plan for
South Africa was presented to the then Minister of Arts, Culture, Science and
Technology by The Advisory Panel on Language Policy. The language policy
states its purpose as follows (Department of Arts, Culture, Science and
Technology, 2000:2):
[The language policy and plan aims at] providing an enabling
framework for promoting South Africa's linguistic diversity and
encouraging respect for language rights in South Africa.
Clearly, 'diversity' and 'respect' are the two core values the language policy
and plan wishes to promote. A statement of the principles upon which the
language policy and plan is founded further illuminates the values it wants to
promote. These principles are the following (Department of Arts, Culture,
Science and Technology, 2000:4):
(a) Promoting and protecting linguistic and cultural diversity; (b)
supporting democracy through the entrenchment of language
equity and language rights; (c) viewing multilingualism as a
resource; (d) redressing the marginalisation of indigenous
languages; and (e) encouraging the learning of other South
African languages.
Again, the values that emerge are 'multilingualism', 'diversity' (linguistic and
cultural), 'democracy', 'equity' (language equity and rights), 'multilingualism as
a resource' and 'redress'. These values are consistent with the values
contained in the DoE conversations about values in education that I
investigate in Chapters Four, Five, Six and Seven.
I now turn to policy on inclusive education that unambiguously promotes the
value 'inclusivity'. The Education White Paper 6 (DoE, 2001) spells out policy
on special needs education and on building an inclusive education and
training system where persons with special needs become part of mainstream
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education and training systems. In the Introduction to Education White Paper
6 Asmal, then Minister of Education, draws attention to the significance of this
policy document (DoE, 2001 :4):
[It is] a post-apartheid landmark policy paper that cuts our ties
with the past and recognises the vital contribution that our
people with disabilities are making and must continue to make,
but as part of and not isolated from the flowering of our nation.
The intention with inclusive education is that children with disabilities should
participate in school and community life alongside children who are not so
afflicted, and that they will equally contribute to the reconstruction and
development of South Africa. In this way the value 'inclusivity' finds
expression in the schooling system.
I now outline an initiative directed at teachers in order to promote values in
education, namely the institution of the South African Council for Educators
(SACE), which developed the SACE Code of Professional Ethics. I regard the
establishment of SACE as a significant moment in respect of the background
against which DoE conversations about values took place from 2000 to 2005
in so far as its Code of Professional Ethics forefronts human rights in its
requirements regarding relationships between teachers and all other
members of the school community, and with education departments.
Conversations about values in education in South Africa are conversations
about human rights and related values.
The South African Council for Educators (SACE) is a statutory body that was
formally established as such by the South African Council for Educators Act
31 of 2000. However, the Minister of Education recognised SACE as early as
1997 in response to the recognition on the part of the Education labour
Relations Council (ElRC) that there is a need for a semi-autonomous body
that would have a twofold function. Such a body was needed to register
qualified teachers and to maintain such a register. The purpose of the register
would be to regulate qualifications of teachers and standards of teaching, as
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well as regulate the professional discipline of teachers (in this regard see
SACE, 2002:9).
The South African Council for Educators Act articulates SACE's normative
role as follows (Brunton & Associates, 2003:E 4):
With regard to professional ethics [SACE] must compile,
maintain and from time to time review a code of professional
ethics for educators who are registered or provisionally
registered with the council.
The Code of Professional Ethics spells out general requirements for
educators who are registered or provisionally registered with SACE as well as
requirements for relationships between the educator and the learner; the
educator and the parent; the educator and the community; the educator and
his or her colleagues; the educator and the profession; the educator and his
or her employer; and the educator and SACE (Brunton & Associates,
2003:E17-18, Points 2 to 9).
The above-mentioned requirements give recognition to the centrality of
human rights and of specific values in respect of an educator's roles and
responsibilities. In the next paragraph I summarise SACE requirements in
respect of the educator in general, and in respect of the educator's
relationships with learners, with the community and with colleagues (Brunton
& Associates, 2003:E 17-18, Points 2 to 9).
A general requirement is that an educator must acknowledge, uphold and
promote the constitutional rights of others. In respect of an educator's
relationship with learners, an educator is required to respect the dignity,
beliefs and constitutional rights of learners, including the right to privacy and
confidentiality; assist learners to develop a set of values consistent with the
fundamental rights of the Constitution; promote gender equality; and take
steps to ensure the safety of learners. In respect of the relationship between
an educator and the community, an educator is required to acknowledge that,
in a community, there will be a variety of customs, codes and beliefs, and will
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not show disrespect towards any of these. In respect of the relationship
between an educator and his or her colleagues, an educator is required to
promote gender equality and to refrain from sexual harassment of any form.
Thus, the SACE Code of Professional Ethics promotes the rights stipulated in
the Bill of Rights, and which find expression through the values articulated in
the Manifesto.
This concludes an outline of the policy and legislation that frames
conversations about values in education. I now very briefly pay attention to
documents that serve as guidelines for teachers in respect of values in
education.
3.6 Guidelines for teachers regarding-values in education
The documents I pay attention to in this section are not policy documents.
They are documents that provide guidelines for teachers on how to translate
policy regarding values in education into action. They are, thus, documents
that support teachers in respect of the values in education initiative. A listing
of these documents provides insight into the commitment on the part of the
DoE to assist schools with the nurturing of values in education. Table 1
overleaf indicates that these guidelines for teachers do not only provide
information about, for example HIV/AIDS, but that they promote the values of
the Constitution. These values are the focus of one of the moments in the
DoE conversations about values in education, namely the Manifesto.
There are a number of types of support materials - book publications, posters,
videos and cassettes - for school communities in respect of the nurturing of
values generally, or the nurturing of specific values, in schools. One such
publication is Educating for our Common Future: Building Schools for an
Integrated Society [DoE, 2001 (d)]. This latter publication provides information
about other support materials developed by the DoE, as well as by a range of
organisations, on the nurturing of values in schools [DoE, 2001 (d):49-53]. In
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this Section I list only some of the documents developed by the DoE, and not
those developed by other organisations.
Table 1 indicates what type of support is offered to school communities by
DoE publications from 2000 to 2005, and the materials that offer this support,
with the publication dates between brackets.
Table 1: Support materials for the nurturing of values in schools
Type of support offered DoE Support materials
Health promotion in schools 1. Information about HIV/AIDS (2002)
2. Develop an HIVand AIDS plan for
your School. A guide for school
governing bodies and management
teams (2003)
3. Plan and act to protect education
against the impact of HIVand AIDS
- Manage HIVand AIDS in your
province (2004)
4. HIVand AIDS in your school - What
parents need to know (2004)
5. HIV/AIDS Emergency. Guidelines for
educators (2005)
Safety in schools 1. Managing Diversity (2000)
Assistance to managers and 2. Rights and responsibilities of
school governance units with the parents. Guide to public school
smooth running of schools policy (2001 )
3. Signposts for Safe Schools (2002)
4. Integration Guide Book for principals
and teachers (2004)
Promotion of gender equity 1. Issues on gender in schools (2002)
Education to address gender 2. The Girls Education Movement
violence (GEM) (2002)
Promotion of leadership among 3. Stopping sexual harassment at
girls and women teachers schools (2003)
4. Women in Management and into
Leadership Position Training Manual
(2004)
Promotion of the Constitutional 1. Celebrating our National Symbols
values (2001 )
Promotion of anti-racism and non- 2. Manifesto on Values, Education and
discrimination in schools Democracy (2001)
3. Video and cassette on Celebrating
our Heritage (2002)
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Table 1 shows that two kinds of support are offered. There is firstly support
which attempts to nurture the values of the Constitution in schools. Secondly,
there is the kind of support that attempts to create a suitable context in
schools within which the values of the Constitution may be nurtured. Support
which attempts to nurture the values of the Constitution is support in respect
of gender equity, the Constitutional values and the promotion of anti-racism
and non-discrimination in schools. Support that attempts to create a suitable
context within which the values of the Constitution may be nurtured is support
in respect of health promotion, school safety, school governance, addressing
gender violence and the promotion of leadership amongst women teachers
and girls. The DoE is aware that an unhealthy, unsafe, disorderly and violent
school environment negates the values that need to be nurtured in school
environments. Of significance also is the support offered in respect of
breaking down stereotypical thinking that sees mainly male persons in
leadership positions.
Another significant document in respect of values in education, specifically in
respect of teachers, is the South African Council for Educators (SACE)
Handbook for the Code of Professional Ethics, published in 2002, and
hereafter referred to as the Handbook. In Section 3.5, Education policy and
legislation, I outline the establishment and roles and functions of SACE. The
Handbook provides specific guidelines for teachers in respect of their ethical
obligations towards the school community, employer and colleagues.
I outline and discuss three of the above named documents in this thesis,
namely The Manifesto, the Handbook, and the document Signposts for Safe
Schools. These are three documents that all educators, regardless of the
learning areas or subjects they teach, and regardless of the level at which this
teaching takes place, must take cognisance of. A discussion of these three
documents assist me in responding to my main research question, namely:
What are salient features of DoE conversations about values in education in
South Africa from 2000 to 2005? My examination of these three documents
contributes in different ways to my formulating a response to my main
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research question. My engagement with the Manifesto enables me to respond
to the subsidiary research question: What is the grammar of DoE
conversations about values in education from 2000 to 2005? My engagement
with the Handbook and with Signposts for Safe Schools enables me to
respond to the subsidiary research question: What policy and legislation
frame DoE conversations about values in education from 2000 to 2005?
Together these responses contribute to my response to my main research
question.
The Manifesto provides guidelines on nurturing values in schools. It proposes
ten constitutional values that must be seeded in schools, and outlines sixteen
strategies for seeding these values. I discuss The Manifesto in detail in
Chapter Six below, and will not further engage with it in this chapter.
The Handbook does not emanate from the DoE as such, but from SAGE.
Thus, strictly speaking it does not form part of DoE conversations about
values in education. However, the SACE Code of Professional Ethics is of
great significance in the lives of all teachers in South Africa in respect of their
professional lives and professional status. The Handbook provides guidelines
for teachers about values in education, as becomes clear in the outline and
discussion thereof in this section. It is for this reason that it is included for
discussion.
I commence with an outline and discussion of the Handbook, and then turn to
the document Signposts for Safe Schools.
The Handbook provides guidelines for understanding the meaning and
implementation of the SAGE Code of Professional Ethics, and, on a
conceptual level, has a threefold purpose: Firstly, to generate thinking, debate
and discussion about ethical issues in education; Secondly, to deepen
readers' understanding of ethical issues in education; Thirdly, to sharpen
readers' ability to act ethically (SACE, 2002:2). It comprises three parts, and
parts one and two comprise two and eight sections respectively. Part One
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comprises the Introduction and an introductory section on the Code of
Professional Ethics. Part Two comprises six sections. An enumeration of the
titles of these sections provides some insight into the subject matter the
Handbook addresses. The titles of the sections are as follows: Evaluation,
Values and Tolerance; Comparative Ethics; Ethical Theories; Human Rights;
Being an Ethically Competent Professional Educator; and Moral
Development. Part Three comprises one section entitled A Closer Look at the
Code of Professional Ethics.
Educators have a duty to uphold the Constitution of South Africa, and to
contribute to the establishment and nurturing of a human rights culture in
schools (SACE, 2002: 109). The Handbook then points out that, in order to
contribute to the establishment and nurturing of a human rights culture, an
educator will have to become 'ethically competent' in two ways. Firstly, an
educator must become ethically competent regarding the moral education of
learners. In the second place, an educator must become ethically competent
regarding professional ethics (SACE, 2002: 109). The latter, not the former, is
the focus of the Handbook. In other words, the Handbook wants to contribute
to the cultivation of ethically competent educators, especially in relation to the
Code of Professional Ethics, which is in line with the second of the two key
purposes of the Handbook stated above.
I now turn briefly to the third of the documents that provide guidelines for
educators on values in education, namely Signposts for Safe Schools. This
document is specifically in line with that clause in the Bill of Rights that states
that "Everyone has the right to freedom and security of the person, which
includes the right to be free from all forms of violence from either public or
private sources" [Constitution of the Republic of South Africa Act 108 of 1996.
Chapter 2. Bill of Rights: 12.(1) cl, and in response to the escalation of many
forms of violence in schools.
This document is introduced by letters from the then Ministers of Safety &
Security and of Education. This indicates collaboration between the South
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African Police Service and the DoE in order to promote safety at schools, and
the document attempts to address the lack of safety within schools, and
provides teachers with some knowledge about how to contribute to creating a
safe school environment.
There are seven sections, namely: The journey through Crime and Violence
for South African Youth; Understanding the Causes of Violence in Schools
and Some Ideas About Possible Intervention; Dealing with Sexual and Child
Abuse - the Role of the Educator; Skills That Build Resilience; Promoting
Healthy schools; Building Healthy Alternatives; and Approaches to Evaluating
Crime prevention.
The document concludes with a section that provides contact details for each
of the nine provinces in respect. of the following four issues: Sexual
Abuse/Child Abuse; HIV/AIDS; Safe Schools/Life Skills; and Substance
Abuse.
This document is of relevance for this thesis in so far as it attempts to promote
a safe teaching and learning environment, and in so far as unsafe schools
and violence in schools provide barriers to the right of children to an
education. Section 4 of the document entitled 'Skills that Build Resilience' is
significant for this thesis in so far as it suggests ways in which violence can be
addressed or prevented in schools. Section 4 is comprised of the following
five subsections: Skills that build resilience; Alternatives to violence;
Improving self-esteem; Values and Moral Grounding; and Preparing learners
to navigate the world of work.
Within the above-mentioned Section 4 the subsection on 'Values and Moral
Grounding' is of special relevance for this thesis, in so far as that subsection
attempts to provide guidelines for teachers on how to nurture values in
schools, with the purpose of building a safe school environment. I briefly
outline the content of the subsection on 'Values and Moral Grounding'.
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In the introduction to this subsection the following question is posed: Why do
some children who have been subjected to difficult circumstances resort to a
life of violence while others who have been subjected to the same kinds of
circumstances do not? The claim is made there that research has shown that
those young people who, even if they have regularly been exposed to
violence, have found 'tools' that have enabled them to choose lives of non-
violence (Brunton & Associates, 2003:H 25). These 'tools' are called
'resilience factors', and subsection (iv) explains how values and moral
grounding can build the required resilience against violence.
Subsection (iv) attempts to answer three questions. These are: How do
values and moral grounding build resilience? What does a lack of values and
moral grounding lead to? How can educators help learners to develop morals
and values? (Brunton & Associates, 2003:H 28-29). In the three paragraphs
below I provide the document's responses to these questions.
Values and moral grounding can build resilience by helping learners to make
decisions about 'right' and 'wrong' in difficult situations; by feeling part of a
larger society that respects rights and responsibilities; and by making the
learner feel valued and cared for.
A lack of values and moral grounding leads to an environment where
educators and learners treat one another without respect, fairness or honesty;
a lack of understanding of what is considered right or wrong by society;
relationships characterised by suspicion and a lack of honesty; and a lack of
religious, spiritual or political grounding.
Educators can help learners 'to develop morals and values by treating learners
and colleagues with respect, Educators must act as role models in this regard,
since children mirror the behaviour of adults. Learners need to develop a
sense of moral responsibility, which is to be distinguished from passive
obedience. Learners should be encouraged to develop social problem-solving
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skills, as this will instil the values that underpin non-confrontational interaction;
and Learners could be encouraged to explore politics, spirituality and religion.
I wish to point out two conceptual issues about this subsection of the
document. In the first place the document does not offer conceptual
clarification of the notions of 'morals' and 'values'. Signposts for Safe Schools
uses the terms 'morals' and 'values' interchangeably. In Chapter Two, Section
4.2.2 I examine the concept 'morality' and argue that there are different
conceptions of 'morality'. Signposts for Safe Schools, in respect of its
alignment of 'morals' with 'values', exhibits a lack of conceptual clarity.
Nevertheless it provides practical guidelines for nurturing 'values' and 'morals'
(or 'moral grounding') in schools.
A second conceptual issue is the alignment of 'values education' with
'character education' in that document. In response to the question "How can
educators help learners to develop morals and values?" the document
provides a number of intervention strategies teachers may use. Table 2 below
(Brunton & Associates, 2003: H 29) is an extract from a table of intervention
strategies to address the question of the development of morals and values,
and illustrates this conceptual issue.
Table 2: DoE interventions to 'help learners to develop morals and
values'
Aim Method Useful Resources
To create an Some approaches to An educator who is
understanding of character education familiar with historical and
what good morals include using people political figures and who
are who are good moral role could give examples of
models. This may entail good role models.
telling stories about role
models such as Nelson
Mandela.
In the table above, the development of 'values' as well as the development of
'morals' relate to 'character education'. Thus, the document aligns 'values
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education' with 'character education. I return to this issue in Chapter Four,
Section 4.2.1, where I argue that the alignment of 'values' with 'character'
speaks of a lack of conceptual clarity on the part of the DoE.
3.7 Concluding remarks
In this chapter my point of departure is that human rights are foundational to
DoE conversations about values in education. I present an argument in favour
of the view that 'human rights' is both moral vision and practice. I present the
Children's Charter as a seminal document in the broader arena of
conversations about values, and show how the values of the Children's
Charter find expression in the Bill of Rights and in educational policy and
legislation. I conclude this chapter with an indication of DoE guidelines for
educators in respect of values in education, and point out some conceptual
flaws in these latter documents.
In Chapter Four I investigate the grammar of the Values Report.
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CHAPTER FOUR
THE REPORT OF THE WORKING GROUP ON VALUES,
EDUCATION AND DEMOCRACY
4.1 Introduction
This chapter contributes to a response to my main research question, namely
'What are salient features of DoE conversations about values in education in
South Africa from 2000 to 2005?' It does so by responding to a subsidiary
research question, namely 'What is the grammar of DoE conversations about
values in education?' It thus investigates the grammar of the report submitted
by the Working Group on Values in Education (the Working Group) that was
constituted by the then Minister of Education, Professor Kader Asmal, to
produce a document that could serve as the basis for a national discussion
about values in education. The report of the Working Group was submitted in
2000, and is entitled Values, Education and Democracy, hereafter referred to
as the Values Report.
In Section 4.2 I discuss the grammar of the conversation about values in
education that is embedded in the Values Report. I do so under the headings:
Values, communitarianism and character formation; Values and morality;
Conversations and education; Inquiry, epistemic values and instrumental
rationality; and Schooling, values and ethics. I conclude this chapter by
indicating what constitutes the substance of Chapter Five.
In the remainder of this section I outline the background to the formulation of
the Values Report, identify what values are proposed in that document as
values to be nurtured in schools, and outline the recommendations made by
the Values Report.
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4.1.1 Background to the constitution of the Working Group
In July 1999 Education Minister Asmal had announced that the educational
condition of the majority of people in the country amounted to a "national
emergency" which called for an "exceptional response" from the national and
provincial education departments (Call to action: mobilizing citizens to build a
South African education and training system for the 21st century.
http://www.education.gov.za). It was within this context that, in February 2000,
Asmal appointed a Working Group on Values in Education. The Working
Group, headed by Professor Wilmot James, "was tasked with researching and
debating the concept of values in education" (Press release.
http://www.info.gov.za/speeches/2001/0102211945a1007.htm).
Later during 2000 the Working Group submitted their report entitled Values,
Education and Democracy (The Values Report). In his introductory remarks to
the report, Asmal claims [DoE, 2000 (a):3-4]:
Education systems throughout the world and through the
passage of time are not simply vehicles for the transmission of
knowledge. In particular, the evolution of public education
institutions as we know them coincide with the birth of the nation
states in the modern era, where public education was seen as
an indispensable adjunct of nation building .... Schools are the
social institutions through which the principal identity of a nation
is conveyed to successive generations of learners.
The claims made above provide insight into the assumptions underpinning the
Values Report. These assumptions are: (i) Schools transmit knowledge; (ii)
The contribution of schooling is a necessary element in the process of nation
building; and (iii) National identity is transmitted through schooling.
In respect of the first assumption, it must be pointed out that the Values
Report does not propagate a transmission of knowledge that fosters uncritical
thinking. Throughout the report there is an emphasis on the development of
critical thinking skills in learners, and on the development of problem-solving
skills. I refer to the development of these skills in learners in Chapter Five
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when I discuss how members of school communities understand the values
proposed in the Values Report.
The second and third assumptions are assumptions about the function of
schools, and about the relationship between school and state. Implicit in the
third assumption is the idea that national identity is linked to citizenship
formation. The projects of nation building and citizenship formation are not
value free projects. Thus, if the state, through schooling, is promoting nation
building and citizenship formation, then the state is engaging in promoting
specific sets of values in schools. I return to questions about whether the state
should be engaged in promoting values through education below in Section
4.2.5 which is entitled Schooling, values and ethics.
It is the assumption of the Working Group that the state, through its education
departments, should foster the formation of values in learners. The question
is: Which values should be promoted? Asmal [DoE, 2000 (a):4] views the
recommendations of the Values Report as providing the Ministry of Education
with an opportunity to open up a national dialogue on the issue of what values
our education system should promote.
In the Executive Summary the Working Group states that the central
argument of the report is the promotion in our schools of the values of equity,
tolerance, multilingualism, openness, accountability and social honour, and
that these values derive from our Constitution and Bill of Rights, as well as
from a consideration of educational philosophy [DoE, 2000 (a):6]. The
Working Group articulates the importance of the six values as follows [DoE,
2000 (a):6]:
They are important for the personal, intellectual and emotional
development of the individual. They are also influential in
determining the quality of national character to which we as a
people in a democracy aspire.
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Here, too, it is clear that the Values Report considers that schooling has a
function related not only to matters of knowledge acquisition, but that it also
has a citizenship function. I agree with the Values Report that schooling
should be engaged not only with matters of knowledge aquisition. In Section
4.2.5 I pay attention to the concept 'schooling' and, following Christie (2008),
identify three broad goals and purposes of schooling which relate to (i)
knowledge acquisition; (ii) education for democratic citizenship; and (iii)
education about caring for the self, others and the world. I discuss these
broad goals and aims more fully in the above mentioned section.
By way of concluding this section I draw attention to two extracts from the
Introduction to the Values Report. In both these extracts the Values Report
uses the term 'character', and an examination of the grammar of these
extracts reveals, in respect of the first extract, a particular conception of
society, and in respect of the second extract, conceptual confusion. The first
extract reads as follows [DoE, 2000 (a):10]:
The promotion of values is important not only for the sake of
personal development, but also for the evolution of a national
South African character. The definition we give to values today
is an avenue to imagining the future character of the South
African nation.
A conception of society in terms of 'a national South African character' and
'the future character of a South African nation' is underpinned by a static
conception of society. "Character' can be defined as "the distinctive nature of
something", according to the South African Concise Oxford Dictionary
(SACOD) (2008: 192).'Character' is something that has been formed. To use
the term 'character' in respect of society is to undervalue the dynamic nature
of society. Taylor's (1985) conception of shared goods (see Section 4.2.1
below) calls to mind a conception of shared values. The concept 'shared
values' captures the dynamic nature of society, in so far as there has to be
discussion, deliberation and compromise in respect of defining and
interpreting values, before there can be shared values. Furthermore, society
is a dynamic entity in respect of actively pursuing those values it comes to
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cherish. Therefore, instead of referring to 'the South African character' we
should engage with the notion of 'shared values'.
The second extract reveals a lack of conceptual clarity in respect of a
conception of values (DoE, 2000 (a):10]:
By values we mean desirable qualities of character such as
honesty, integrity, tolerance, diligence, responsibility,
compassion, altruism, justice and respect.
Morrow (2002: 19) is critical of the view that values are 'desirable qualities of
character". Amongst other things, Morrow (2002: 1) points out that this is an
extremely limited conception of values; it does not, for example allow
discourses about the value of education, or the value of food, shelter and so
_on. Morrow puts forward the argument that, to think about values as 'qualities
of character' turns us toward individualism, and away from communitarianism,
which jeopardizes the project of finding common ground as South African
citizens (Morrow, 2002:19-22).
I am in agreement with Morrow in his critique of the view that values are
"qualities of character". To refer to 'values' as 'qualities of character' is to
relapse into conceptual confusion. In Section 4.3.1 I provide an explanation
of what is to be understood by 'values'. One definition of values provided
there identifies values as "principles or standards of behaviour" (SACOD,
2008: 1298). 'Qualities of character' refers to attributes of individual persons,
while 'principles or standards of behaviour' can be, and often are, shared by
communities of practitioners. Therefore, 'values' are not 'qualities of
character' .
In the next section I turn briefly to the six values identified by the Working
Group as values that should provide the impetus for further debate about
values in education.
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4.1.2 Six values
In the body of the report, the Working Group presents arguments to justify
their choice of the six values - equity, tolerance, multilingualism, openness,
accountability and social honour - that must be promoted in our schools. I do
not, in this section, emphasise the meanings that the Working Group attaches
to each of these values. I relate the meanings of the six values in Chapter
Five when I discuss how members of school communities understand the
values proposed in the Values Report in order to compare how values are
understood by the Values Report and how these are understood by school
communities.
The Values Report presents arguments in favour of each of the six values in
turn. In the remainder of this section I briefly indicate, for each of the six
values, the arguments put forward for choosing that value as one to be
promoted in schools.
The value 'equity' heads the. Values Report list of six values, and the
argument that supports the choice of this values relates to the effects of the
racially divided schooling system (and this includes institutions for tertiary
learning) - the Values Report refers to the education system - that was in
place until 1994 and that are still being felt. Unequal spending on schooling
along racial lines left white persons better off in respect of resources for
schooling and black persons at the other end of the continuum [DoE, 2000
(a):16-18]. Since 1996 education legislation in line with the Constitution of
South Africa and the Bill of Rights has attempted to address the inequalities of
the past.
Although advances have been made since 1994, notably in respect of
improved access to schooling for black persons, it has become clear that
planned outcomes are not realized owing to an often malfunctioning system
[DoE, 2000 (a):18]. Elements of the malfunctioning system include the failure
of the schooling system to register all learners, the failure to retain the
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majority of learners through to secondary school, and the failure to provide
quality schooling to all learners.
Given the inequality that characterised schooling during apartheid, the effects
of which are still felt at the end of the first decade of the 21st century, it is to be
expected that the Working Group would conclude that that there should be a
more equitable distribution of resources and equality of opportunity in
schooling [DoE, 2000 (a): 19], and that 'equity' must be promoted as a value.
The next value proposed by the Values report is the value of 'tolerance'.
Schools have moved away from racial segregation to various degrees, in the
various provinces. Department of Education statistics for 1997 show that
schools in the Northern Cape province show the highest degree of racial
integration, with 56% of schools racially heterogeneous, and 44%
homogeneous. Schools in Mpumalanga (formerly the Northern Province)
show the lowest degree of racial integration, with 5% of schools racially
heterogeneous, and 95% of schools racially homogeneous (DoE, 2000
(a):23). These statistics attest to the effects of a racially divided schooling
system that had its roots in the pre-apartheid colonialist era, and that was
entrenched through legislation during the apartheid era.
It was not within the brief of the Working Group to make recommendations
with regard to how the process of racial integration at school level can be
accelerated. When the Working Group proposes that 'tolerance' is a value to
be promoted in schooling, it is against the backdrop of the reality that
schooling is in the process of emerging from a divided past, and that persons
have been estranged from one another along racial, cultural and linguistic
lines. The report recommends that an approach should be developed in
respect of how diverse schools should be managed and supported, inside as
well as outside the classroom, and that such an approach should be anchored
in the value of 'tolerance', which consists not merely in 'tolerating those who
are different, but in developing 'mutual understanding', 'reciprocal altruism'
and an appreciation of the value of human difference [DoE, 2000 (a):22].
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The Values Report thus links the concept 'tolerance' to the concept 'human
difference' and indeed regards the latter as a value. It is via its designation of
'human difference' as a value that the Values Report focuses on history as of
foundational importance when it makes some preliminary suggestions in
respect of how diverse schools can be managed and supported through the
nurturing of the value 'tolerance'. [DoE, 2000 (a): 23-25). In this regard the
Values Report suggests that the history of human evolution must be taught,
and that this teaching must include teaching that human difference is crucial
in respect of the survival of the human species. The report suggests further
that a comprehensive history of all the people of South Africa, as well as a
history of past human rights abuses, must be taught in order to nurture the
value 'tolerance'. Other suggestions in respect of nurturing the value
'tolerance' include a focus on extra mural activities such as participation in the
visual and performing arts, and in sport, in school programmes.
It would be reasonable to conclude that an intended outcome of promoting the
value 'tolerance' is that the estrangement of persons along lines defined by
factors such as race, culture and language would be mediated by tolerance. A
number of recommendations emanate from a justification of the choice of the
value 'tolerance' as a value to be promoted in schools. I list these
recommendations in Section 4.1.3 below.
The value 'multilingualism' is the third of the values proposed in the Values
Report. Since 1996 with the adoption of the new Constitution, the position of
English and Afrikaans as the two official languages has changed, with eleven
languages now being awarded the status of official languages. The DoE
recognizes, however, that in practice, English has become the national
language of politics and record, and remains the language of diplomacy and
international commerce [DoE, 2000 (a):30]. This situation clearly gives
English an advantage that none of the other official languages enjoy, an
advantage that has the potential to undermine the flourishing of the remaining
official languages,
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It is against this background of the prominent position English enjoys that the
report states that it wishes to promote two main values in the area of
language [DoE, 2000 (a):31], namely the importance of mother tongue
schooling and the fostering of multilingualism. The promotion of mother
tongue schooling is a pedagogically sound position, and it is also in line with
the Constitution of South Africa. It is a pedagogically sound position in so far
as numerous studies have shown that children learn best in their mother
tongue (or, as it is now referred to, their home language) (Skutnabb-Kangas,
2004; Heugh, 2005; Kassiem, 2006 and Pitman et al, 2010). The promotion of
mother tongue schooling is also consistent with the right to freedom of
language and culture as expressed in the Bill of Rights (see Chapter Three,
Section 3.4).
The fostering of multilingualism can be seen as an attempt to address
divisions based on language that exist amongst persons. The report makes a
number of recommendations regarding multilingualism (see Section 4.1.3
below).
The fourth value advocated in the Values Report is the value of 'openness'.
The report states that a well-rounded education requires the development of
the intellect as well as the development of emotional maturity [DoE, 2000
(a):36]. While the report emphasises that numeracy and a "scientific approach
to problem-solving" are essential in the lives of human beings, it draws
attention to the necessity for knowledge about our history, culture, literature,
economy, law and society [DoE, 2000 (a):36-37]. By the 'development of the
intellect' the report refers to the acquisition on the part of learners of skills of
literacy, numeracy and problem solving. By 'emotional maturity' the report
refers to those aspects of the lives of human beings that enable them to
function as members of society and as members of particular communities,
and not as disembodied intellects. Persons thus have to develop an
understanding of who they are, of their history, of the social and economic
realities and of the legal framework within which they live their lives.
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The Values Report notes that South Africans lack a strong reading culture
[DoE, 2000 (a):37], as well as a strong debating culture [DoE, 2000 (a):39],
and links the value of 'openness' - in the sense of being open to new ideas -
to the necessity for developing a strong debating culture, where critical
thinking can flourish [DoE, 2000 (a):39]. The lack of a strong reading culture
can to a significant extent be ascribed to the prevalence of a culture of
material poverty. Persons who are abjectly poor do not have the resources to
acquire reading matter nor is there the time to read. In addition, illiteracy
levels are high in South Africa which is why the lowering of levels of illiteracy
is priority area number two in the Tirisano project (Call to action: mobilizing
citizens to build a South African education and training system for the 21st
century. http://www.education.gov.za).
With regard to a lack of a debating culture in South Africa, the apartheid state
did not encourage public debate in respect of its policies, and in respect of the
consequences of these policies. 'Openness', in the sense intended in the
Values Report, namely of being open to new ideas, was not a desired value in
the political dispensation prior to 1994. Openness links to a democratic culture
of freedom of speech and ideas, and it is for this reason that the Values
Report prioritises the value 'openness', and makes recommendations in
respect thereof (see Section 4.1.3 below).
The fifth value promoted by the Values Report is the value of 'accountability'.
It links the notion of 'accountability' with role modelling on the part of teachers
and parents. It points out that parents and teachers should set an example to
learners in respect of their behaviour and in respect of their values, and
should work in partnership with one another regarding the education of the
young, and, while school governing bodies provide the vehicle for such a
partnership, there are nevertheless challenges in respect of making school
governing bodies fully functional [DoE, 2000 (a):43-45].
The reference above provides an example of the conflation of 'schooling' with
'education' on the part of the DoE. I explore this point more fully in Section
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4.2.5. The reference to 'partnerships' between parents and teachers and to
school governing bodies shows that, what the report has in mind is school
governance, but the report places this side by side with the role modelling
function of those adults who playa role in the lives of children. But role
modelling in the sense intended by the report where it links role modelling with
values must be located in the realm of morality. That the report has school
governance in mind when it refers to 'education' is borne out by its emphasis
on the importance of institutionalizing lines of accountability [DoE, 2000
(a):45]. However, lines of accountability pertain not only to school
governance; it pertains to all members of school communities. The report
makes this clear when it makes some recommendations about lines of
accountability in schools (see Section 4.1.3. below).
'Honour' is the sixth and final value proposed by the values Report. 'Honour' is
linked to the notion of 'citizenship'. The Values Report makes the observation
that the "well-rounded South African of the future" is someone "with a
historical consciousness, an open and inquiring mind, [who] is trilingual, and
has a healthy respect for the obligations of citizenship" [DoE, 2000 (a):48]. In
respect of its vision of the 'well-rounded South African of the future' the
Values Report links the value 'honour' with the values of 'openness' and
'multilingualism'. A person who has developed the required 'openness' would
display a historical consciousness and an open and inquiring mind, and a
person who is trilingual would actualize the value 'multilingualism'.
However, passionate citizenship might lead to conflict with others who do not
share that citizenship with South Africans but who share the same
geographical space. It is with this in mind that the report warns against
"narrow and xenophobic nationalism and patriotism" [DoE, 2000 (a):48].
The report makes the point that schools are a national resource, and not the
possession of anyone group, and concludes that it is appropriate that
symbols of national identity and a South African social honour be celebrated
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at our schools [DoE, 2000 (a):50]. The report makes some recommendations
in this regard (see Section 4.1.3. below).
4.1.3 Recommendations of the Values Report
The following recommendations emanate from arguments the Working Group
put forward in respect of five of the six values. It must be noted that it is not
within the brief of this thesis to comment on whether the recommendations
have been implemented or not. I list these recommendations and for the most
part comment on assumptions that underpin them.
The following five recommendations emanate from the arguments the Values
Report put forward in respect of the value 'tolerance' [DoE, 2000 (a):24 -26]:
(i) Panels of historians, archaeologists and human biologists must study
how history and human evolution are taught at schools, and how
teachers are trained in these fields in order to make recommendations
as to how to strengthen the teaching of these disciplines.
(ii) Teachers should receive more support in order to equip them to
communicate effectively with learners from diverse cultural
backgrounds. This clearly points to the need on the part of teachers for
multilingual competence.
(iii) Outside of the classroom a variety of extra-mural activities must be
encouraged and supported, in order to reinforce what happens in the
classroom. This includes the performing and visual arts and literature
that may promote tolerance through exposure to a diversity of cultures.
(iv) Tolerance can be promoted also through sport. Sport is a rule-based
activity that requires individual endeavour as well as team work, and
provides the opportunity for schools to develop traditions.
(v) There should be strict measures taken against discriminatory practices
since these undermine the sense of worth of individuals, exclude them
from certain types of knowledge and social activities, and result in
alienation and fragmentation.
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Apart from recommendation number five, which is a Constitutional imperative
- it is against the law to practise discrimination - these are ambitious
recommendations and few of them have been put into practice. For example,
little progress has been made to support teachers in respect of multi-lingual
competence. With regard to the idea that sport can promote tolerance - and
here the subtext is that sport can promote nation-building - Hendricks (2002)
cautions against an over optimistic view that sport can contribute to nation
building. The reason he gives is that, given inherited inequalities in all manner
of resources, sport may in fact continue to be divisive.
Seven recommendations emanate from the arguments provided in the Values
Report in respect of the value 'multilingualism' [DoE. 2000 (c):33]:
(i) All learners should acquire at least one official language other than
English and Afrikaans as a subject throughout the school years;
(ii) The official language referred to above would be determined at
provincial level;
(iii) Teacher training must be reorganized to accommodate the new
language policy;
(iv) Appropriate short courses must be introduced in the language
determined by the province, and educators must be provided with
opportunities for in-service learning;
(v) The training of language teachers must be improved;
(vi) The resources and partnerships to develop seven official languages
with the exclusion of English and Afrikaans, must be enhanced; and
(vii) Appropriate learning materials of high quality must be developed.
In the concludinq paragraph to this section, The Report notes that a language-
in-education policy must be supported by initiatives in the wider society [DoE,
2000 (a):33].
Not much has come of these recommendations. Some schools across the
country offer an official language other than English and Afrikaans as a third
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language, but they do so voluntarily and have the resources to do so. In
respect of teacher training, the latest policy on minimum requirements for
teacher education qualifications promotes the status quo in respect of
language policy as follows (DHET, 2011 :15-16):
It is expected that all new teachers should be proficient in at
least one official language as a language of learning and
teaching (LoLT), and partially proficient (i.e. sufficient for the
purposes of ordinary conversation) in at least one other official
language (including South African Sign Language).
This policy does not challenge new teachers to learn a third official language.
Learning a third official language might go some way towards promoting
multilingualism. However, one must. not take for granted that being able to
speak a language other than one's home language will foster multilingualism.
Waghid [2004(a):279] rightly points out that one may have a conversation with
another in a language other than one's home language, but there might not be
deep communicative engagement between the speakers, and persons might
in fact talk past one another.
In respect of the value 'openness' there is one recommendation [DoE, 2000
(a):39], namely that schools should introduce debating societies and the
Department of Education should support these with a system of national
awards to encourage and recognize ability and talent in this field.
If this recommendation could be put in place in a meaningful way it would
teach young persons the value of what Waghid [2004 (a)] refers to as
'deliberation' _ thoughtful reason-qivinq=- a practice that could foster what the
Values Report refers to as 'tolerance'.
The following four recommendations emanate from the arguments the Values
Report presents in respect of the value 'accountability' [DoE, 2000 (a):45]:
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(i) The Department of Education should develop a social contract that is
binding upon educators, administrators, parents, trade unions and
professional associations;
(ii) This social contract must be underpinned by the philosophical
approach of Tirisano - working together;
(iii) The social contract must be consistent with the normative directive that
education is a vocation that should take place within a context of
democratic accountability and good school governance; and
(iv) The Values Report can serve as a basis for the proposed social
contract.
These are high ideals, especially in respect of the expectation that
administrators, trade unions and professional associations become
signatories to such a contract. It is surprising that learners.. especially older
learners, are not mentioned as being signatories. Within a school context,
learners, parents and teachers are the members of the school community that
can ensure effective schooling. Furthermore, in an increasingly fragmented
society such as South African society where there are daily reports of greed,
corruption and individualism, the ideal of "working together" seems a distant
ideal. However, if such a social contract can be realised, accountability will be
promoted.
Finally, there are four recommendations that emanate from the arguments
presented in favour of the value 'honour' [DoE, 2000 (a):50]:
(i) The national anthem should be taught, and should be sung at schools,
at ceremonies or on occasions as decided upon by the schools
themselves, but at least at the opening of the first and last school
assemblies of each school term;
(ii) The national flag should be displayed in a prominent place in schools;
A pledge of allegiance or vow should be recited at weekly school
assemblies;
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(iii) These rituals should be supported by the teaching of civic responsibility
and a civic history, with a focus on the Constitution and the Bill of
Rights; and
(iv) A pledge of allegiance or vow at weekly assemblies will remind
learners of the democratic values to which South Africans aspire. The
report provides a text that indicates the spirit that should be conveyed
by a pledge of allegiance or vow [DoE, 2000 (a):51].
The above mentioned recommendations are in line with specifically two of the
assumptions referred to above which underpin the Values Report, namely that
(i) the contribution of schooling is a necessary element in the process of
nation-building; and (ii) national identity is transmitted through schooling. In
other words, all the recommendations focus on one or other aspect of the
nation-butldino goal or purpose of schooling, and they do so at the expense of
other goals and purposes of schooling. I take this point further in Section 4.2
where I investigate the grammar of the Values Report, and specifically in
Section 4.2.5 where I emphasise that it is necessary, for the sake of clarity of
thinking, to distinguish between 'education' and 'schooling', and where I
examine the relation between schooling, values and ethics.
4.1.4 Response to the Values Report
The Report was widely distributed, and the Minister of Education called for
public responses to the Values Report. There were four types of responses.
There were published critiques in the media and in academic and educational
journals. Individual members of the public responded directly to the Minister.
During 2000 extensive school-based research was conducted on behalf of the
Department of Education. Papers and inputs were delivered at the national
Conference entitled Saamtrek: Values, Education and Democracy in the 21 st
Century that was held at Kirstenbosch, Cape Town from 22 to 24 February
2001, and which culminated in the publication of the Manifesto on Values,
Education and Democracy (the Manifesto), a guide for seeding democratic
values in schools.
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4.2 The grammar of the Values Report
This thesis investigates the grammar of DoE conversations about values in
education from 2000 to 2005. 'Grammar' within the context of this thesis refers
to "the underlying set of assumptions out of which an argument arises; the
background against which an argument makes sense and carries whatever
conviction it does" (Morrow, 1989:38). In this thesis the notion of an
investigation of the grammar of DoE conversations includes an investigation
of meanings assigned to value concepts in such conversations; and an
attempt to establish to what extent there is coherence and continuity, and
conceptual clarity in DoE conversations about values.
The Values Report represents the first moment in the set of conversations
under discussion in this thesis. From my investigation of the grammar of the
Values Report five notions or sets of notions emerge, namely the notions
Values, communitarianism and character formation; Values and morality;
Conversations and education; Inquiry, epistemic values and disciplines; and
Schooling, values and ethics. I discuss each of these below.
4.2.1 Values, communitarianism and 'character formation'
In this subsection I provide an explanation of what this thesis understands by
the concept 'values', I emphasise the communitarian nature of values
formation, and offer a critique of the equation of values formation with
character formation that emerges from the Values Report.
'Values' is defined by the SACOD (2008: 1298) as "principles or standards of
behaviour" while Blackburn (2008:377) provides the following circumscription
of the concept 'value':
To acknowledge some feature of things as a value is to take it
into account in decision making, or in other words to be inclined
to advance it as a consideration in influencing choice and
guiding oneself and others.
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Significant in these two definitions is that both point to a relation between
values and human action. Values are guiding principles when human beings
have to make decisions, or choose between alternative, perhaps competing,
courses of action. The question may be asked as to whether values are
merely 'subjective' principles, or whether there is some objectivity in respect
of values. Blackburn (2008:377) comments on this problem as follows:
Those who see values as 'subjective' think in terms of this as a
personal stance, occupied as a kind of choice, and immune to
rational argument (though often, and curiously, deserving some
reverence and respect). Those who think of values as 'objective'
suppose that for some reason - requirements of rationality,
human nature, God or other authority - choice can be guided
and directed from some independent standpoint.
It would thus appear that there is a dichotomy in our thinking about values.
However, the 'subjective/objective' dichotomy is in fact a false one. If 'values'
were merely 'subjective' this would lead us into relativism and atomism, which
point to a selfish individualism. The contrast with 'subjectivity' need not be
looked for in 'objectivity', but rather in a notion of shared values. A notion of
'shared values' relates to what Blackburn above refers to as 'requirements of
rationality'. In line with a link between values and rationality, Carr (2000:121)
refers to 'value' as "a rational or principled preference which one would
normally give reasons or grounds for entertaining". If one accepts that values
refer to 'rational preference' then it does not mean that "choice can be guided
and directed from some independent standpoint" (see Blackburn's
characterisation of this position above). Taylor's (1985) conception of 'shared
goods' clarifies the position.
Taylor (1985:96-99) articulates conceptions of society variously conceived of
in terms of 'shared goods' or in terms of 'convergent goods'. The latter
conception of society is one where the interests of individuals converge, while
the former conception of society is one where the concept 'community'
emerges. In the former conception of a society, society is not regarded as
merely a collection of individuals who have their own goals, and that these
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goals or 'goods' might happen to converge. A conception of a society where
individual goals may converge is an atomistic conception of society. Taylor's
(1985) conception of a society in terms of shared goods has important
implications for the way one thinks about decision-making. Taylor (1985:99)
states:
A society strong in its capacity for common action would be one
with important shared goods. But to the extent that this was so,
the process of common decision would have to be understood
differently. It could just be a matter of how and whose individual
demands are fed through to the process of decision, but would
also have to be understood at least partly as the process of
formulating a common understanding of what was required by
the shared gaols and values.
Thus, 'shared goods' requires shared understanding of what it is that we
value. Taylor's (1985) insight as captured in the above quotation does two
things, one in respect of the 'subjective/objective' dichotomy referred to
above, and the other in respect of the relation between values and
community. Taylor's (1985) insight shows the 'subjective/objective' dichotomy
to be a false one. Values are neither 'subjective' nor 'objective'. Values
emerge out of the engagement of a community when that community
formulates a common understanding of its shared values.
This conception of society, that is, a conception of society of shared goods, is
the antithesis of a conception of a society as a conglomeration of individuals
with their convergent needs and goals. More insight can be gained into the
relation between community and values, and into the distinction between, on
the one hand, a conception of society as a community and, on the other hand,
a conception of society as a collective of individuals when one considers a
conception of feminist communitarianism ..
Christians (2005: 150) refers to feminist communitarianism as "a normative
model that serves as an antidote to individualist utilitarianism", and formulates
the presumptions that underpin feminist communitarianism (and, I would like
to argue, communitarianism in general) as follows:
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It presumes that the community is ontologically and axiologically
prior to persons. Human identity is constituted through the social
realm. We are born into a socio-cultural universe where values,
moral commitments, and existential meanings are negotiated
dialogically. Fulfilment is never achieved in isolation, but only
through human bonding at the epicentre of social formation.
Thus, the kind of engagement of persons in order to bring about the common
good, in this case the emergence of values, is not merely a collection of the
pursuits of individuals; it is a collective, communal engagement. The contrast
between communitarianism and individualism emerges clearly. Reflecting on
South African society eight years after the first democratic elections were held
and in response to the Values Report, Morrow (2002:18) describes this
society as follows:
It is a society incrementally characterised by the selfish pursuit
of individual or sectional interests, and by worrying signs of the
perpetuation of historical divisions that should have been
overcome in a democratic society.
A society with shared values would not display the characteristics of an
individualistic society as portrayed in the quotation above. During the
negotiations around a new constitution for South Africa during the early
1990s, South Africans engaged in a process of formulating an understanding
of shared values. However, the quotation above provides a pessimistic picture
about the extent to which the values of the Constitution of South Africa have
indeed become shared values or moral vision.
In so far as the values of the Constitution should become shared values, it
was to be expected that the values to be promoted by the Values Report
would be the values of the Constitution. Carrim and Tshoane (2003:811) refer
to the "displacement" of what is provided in the Constitution and the Bill of
Rights by the six values promoted by the Values Report. The result is that
there is a shift on the part of the Values Report from a 'rights discourse' to a
'values discourse' (Carrim and Tshoane, 2003:811). I return to the relation
between values and morality under Section 4.3.2 - Values and morality.
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The Values Report pays insufficient attention to an articulation of the concept
'values', and indeed displays conceptual muddle. It, for example, refers to
'values' as 'desirable qualities of character' (DoE, 2000: 10). The Values
Report does not stand alone in its alignment of values formation with
character formation. For example, in the document Signposts for Safe
Schools, in response to the question "How can educators help learners to
develop morals and values?" (Brunton & Associates, 2003: H 29), the
development of 'values' as well as the development of 'morals' relate to
'character education'. Thus, that document aligns 'values education' with
'character education.
However a conception of values as being 'qualities of character' or to align
values education with character formation undermines the communitarian
nature of values formation and the notion of shared goods in so far as such a
conception of values is in line with a conception of society in terms of
convergent goods and as a collection of individuals. Morrow (2002:19) makes
a point that relates to the notion of a conception of society in terms of
convergent goods when he writes:
To highlight the development of 'character' in a discussion of
values in education is, thus, implicitly to reinforce a particular
social ontology; one that is based on the idea that society is a
contingent collection of individuals who happen to find
themselves living in the same geographical space.
Thus, the alignment of 'values' with 'qualities of character' emphasizes an
atomistic conception of society where selfish individualism is pursued, which
is the opposite of what the Constitution of South Africa wants to promote. An
emphasis on character and on 'character development' undermines a
communitarian conception of values formation, and signals a return to a
disconnected individualism, which is the very thing DoE conversations about
values in education warns against in Opening Pathways. The latter publication
correctly states that disvalues such as selfish individualism and greed pose
challenges to the seeding of democratic values in schools. I provide a more
detailed discussion of this topic in Chapter Five.
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In so far as DoE conversations about values in education do not clarify the
concept 'values', I conclude that it cannot be said that there is conceptual
clarity in respect of 'values' in DoE conversations about values in education.
In so far as values education is aligned with character formation, I conclude
that the DoE conversations in question are not conceptually coherent.
In the next subsection I examine the relation between 'values' and 'morality'
with a view to uncovering the extent of conceptual clarity on 'morality' in so far
as it pertains to the Values Report.
4.2.2 Values and morality
Carrim and Tshoane (2003) claim that the discourse that emerges from the
Values Report is a 'morality discourse', and they point to the dangers inherent
in such a discourse. Before I comment on this claim on the part of Carrim and
Tshoane I clarify what this thesis understands by the concept 'morality'. I then
argue that I am in agreement with aspects of the argument of Carrim and
Tshoane, but that morality discourses per se have their place in the public
domain. With this in mind I now provide two definitions of morality.
Blackburn (2008:240) states that the morality of persons and their ethics
amount to the same thing but that there are schools of thought that associate
the term 'morality' with, for example, Kantian systems that are based on
notions such as duty and principles of conduct, while other schools of thought
associate 'morality' with the Aristotelian notion of 'virtue'. It is not within the
scope of this thesis to debate issues around a Kantian or Aristotelian
conception of morality. Instead, I turn to another definition of morality. In
Section 4.3.5 - Schooling, values and ethics - I consider the concept 'ethics'
. in relation to the notions of schooling and values, and then refer briefly to
Blackburn's claim stated above that the morality of persons and their ethics
amount to the same thing.
The SACOD (2008:755) defines 'morality' as follows:
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Principles concerning the distinction between right and wrong or
good and bad behaviour; a system of values and moral
principles; the extent to which an action is right or wrong.
This latter definition indicates the close connection between morality and
values, in so far as the latter has been defined earlier as constituting
principles or standards of behaviour. This definition at the same time draws
attention to the relationship between values and morality on the one hand and
human behaviour, or human action on the other hand, and specifically human
action in respect of what is considered to be 'good' or 'bad' behaviour.
I now consider another definition of 'morality' that provides more clear ways of
conceptualising 'morality'. Gert (2008) distinguishes between a descriptive
and a normative use of the concept 'morality' and provides a comprehensive
definition of morality. He writes (2008:13): -
Morality is an informal public system applying to all rational
persons, governing behaviour that affects others, and has the
lessening of evil or harm as its goal.
The above definition of 'morality' is a normative definition in so far as it is
applicable to all rational persons. It is distinguished from a descriptive
definition of morality in so far as the latter kind of definition would apply to a
code of conduct accepted by a particular group of persons, for example by a
religious group. A descriptive definition would also apply to an individual
person's code of conduct.
The concept 'rational person' indicates that morality applies only to those who
are capable of rational decision-making. It cannot, for example, be said of
young babies that they act morally or immorally. The concept 'public system'
indicates that morality is in the public domain. This means that persons
understand what constitutes moral behaviour, although this does not exclude
disagreements amongst persons on this issue. The concept 'informal system'
stands in contrast to the concept of a formal system such as a legal system.
An informal system has no authority to settle disputes or mete out
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punishment, while a formal system such as a legal system does have the
authority and the means to settle disputes and disagreements, and to decide
on appropriate penalties when the law is transgressed.
The idea that morality governs behaviour that affects others indicates the
communitarian aspect of morality. It indicates a sense of responsibility for the
well being of others. A notion of 'morality' as referring only to the code of
conduct of an individual person or group results in an atomistic conception of
morality. Examples of atomistic conceptions of morality can be found in
attempts to foster values formation from a 'Christian' perspective (de Klerk,
2005:169-188)) or from a 'reformational' perspective (van der Walt, 2003:125-
142). To identify a conception of morality as atomistic is not to deny that
individuals and groups do have their own codes of conduct. The point is that a
normative conception of 'morality' emphasises the communal or social
dimension of human life across cultural and religious divides.
It is against the backdrop of a distinction between an atomistic and a
normative conception of morality that I now turn briefly to the argument
proposed by Carrim and Tshoane (2003) mentioned earlier. Carrim's and
Tshoane's argument (2003:811-813) unfolds as follows. The Values Report
has deflected attention from the values of the Constitution, and emerges as a
prescriptively patriotic document. Values discourses are closely linked to
morality discourses. If morality discourses (via its links with values discourses)
are introduced into the educational sphere, this means that the government,
through the education system, wants to shape the moral character of citizens.
Interventions of this nature pose a threat to democracy and a return to
prescriptive morality.
While I am in agreement that the Values Report is largely a prescriptive
document, I believe that there is a place for morality discourses in the public
domain. Given my analysis of the concept 'morality' in this section, I contend
that Carrim and Tshoane (2003) ascribe an atomistic conception of morality to
the Values Report. If one works with a normative conception of morality,
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where moral principles are applicable to all rational persons, this opens up the
way for debate about what constitutes moral behaviour. A normative
discourse would be a public discourse, and not the prerogative of only a
select group.
By way of concluding this section, I state that I am in agreement with Carrim
and Tshoane that a prescriptive morality constitutes a danger to democracy.
However, a normative conception of morality provides the opportunity for
public debate. I therefore conclude that morality discourses per se do not
automatically or necessarily result in 'ideological closure' as Carrim and
Tshoane claim. When I examine the grammar of another DoE conversation in
Chapter Five I show that, where that conversation engages with the concept
'morality', there is no thorough examination of the concept on the part of the
DoE, and I conclude that there is a lack of conceptual clarity on the part of the
DoE in respect of the concept 'morality'.
In the next section I explore the conceptual connection between education
and particular kinds of conversations.
4.2.3 Conversations and education
In this subsection I emphasise the internal relation between conversations
and education.
In this thesis the term 'conversation' is used in its broadest sense to include
the concepts 'dialogue', 'debate' and 'discussion'. 'Conversation' itself is
defined by the SACOD (2008:252) as "an informal spoken exchange of news
or ideas between two or more' people". Morrow provides a richer
circumscription of 'conversation' when he writes (2002:24):
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Conversation presupposes a participatory relationship between
those who are parties to the conversation; they acknowledge
one another as fellow human beings sharing common human
feelings, vulnerabilities, feelings and hopes. A conversation is
characterised by mutual ties of recognition and concern, and, at
least temporarily, a shared interest.
Conversation is uniquely human, and it is appropriate to refer to conversation
as a practice also in so far as different types of conversations are guided by
different sets of rules.
'Dialogue', 'debate', and 'discussion' are specific types of conversations.
Pollard and Liebeck (1995:222) define 'dialogue' as "a conversation or
discussion". A richer definition of 'dialogue' is "discussion directed towards
exploration of a subject or resolution of a problem" (SACOD, 2008:321).
'Debate is defined as "a formal discussion" (Treffry, 1995:206; SACOD,
2008:299) which takes place "in a public meeting or legislative assembly.
(SACOD:2008:299)'. It is "an argument involving many people" (SACOD,
2008:299). 'Discussion' is derived from the verb 'discuss' which is defined as
"talk about so as to reach a decision; talk or write about (a topic) in detail"
(SACOD, 2008:332) and "examine by means of argument" (Pollard and
Liebeck, 1995:229).
Dialogue, debate and discussion are more formal modes of conversation than
everyday conversation, and these forms of conversation are guided by
explicitly stated or implicitly understood rules. It is quite usual to understand
'dialogue' as a conversation between two persons where there is a disciplined
focus on a topic or subject matter. In a debate two or more parties participate
in that form of conversation, and these parties have taken up particular
stances in respect of the subject matter which is under debate. Debates
typically occur in legislatures and in forums identified as debating societies.
However, Morrow (2002: 24-26) highlights the conceptual connection between
discussion and education, and indicates that there is a weaker connection
between dialogue and debate, on the one hand, and education than there is
between discussion and education in so far as dialogue and debate are more
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limited forms of conversation. Dialogue presupposes two persons in
conversation and debate presupposes that two opposing sides have adopted
opposing stances before the debate begins.
In DoE conversations about values in education the concepts 'dialogue' and
'debate' enjoy prominence. The concept 'debate' features prominently in the
Values Report [DoE, 2000(a)]. The Introduction envisages that the
presentation of the proposed six values represents the starting point of what
should become a "national debate on the appropriate values and mores" for
South African schools [DoE, 2000 (a): 12]. Elsewhere the concept 'debate' is
linked to the value 'openness', is considered to be a prerequisite for the
intellectual advancement of learners and the recommendation is made that
debating and debating societies should become the norm in all schools [DoE,
2000 (a):38-39].
Debating and the concomitant rules that guide the practice do provide an
important space for the intellectual advancement of learners. However, as
pointed out above, the concept 'debate' is more limited in scope than the
concept 'conversation'. Morrow (2002:25) points out that a particular type of
discussion lies at the heart of all educational enterprises, namely the practice
of inquiry, and reflects that knowledge is generated by communities of
inquirers, who are guided by the ideal of the search for the truth about
matters. Since education is itself a practice, education, like discussion, is
essentially a social matter. The phrase 'communities of inquiry' itself points to
the social nature of education.
The DoE preference for the concept 'debate' occludes the communal nature
of education, that education takes place within communities of inquirers. The
reason is as follows. 'Debate' presupposes that there are two or more prior
conflicting views, and that the purpose of the engagement is to win the debate
by proposing the better set of arguments in favour of the chosen position.
While 'debate' may be used for educative purposes, these two concepts,
debate and dialogue, if proposed outside of a wider context of 'discussion', as
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DoE conversations do, represent an impoverished conception of the kind of
conversation that constitutes educative practices. It is the kind of
conversation that takes place between members of a community of enquirers,
where a genuine search for truth precludes the possibility of pre-formed
stances.
DoE conversations about values in education, with its emphasis on the
concepts 'dialogue' and 'debate' at the expense of an exploration of the
critical nature of discussion, provides an inadequate conception of the kind of
conversation that is internally related to education, namely inquiry. The
concept 'inquiry' draws attention to the critically questioning dimension of
education, which is what the concept 'debate', with its undertones of
competitiveness, obscures. Similarly, the concept 'dialogue', with its everyday
connotations as a type of conversation between two persons, obscures the
idea of a community of enquirers, which is definitive of the practice of
education.
The next subsection builds upon the conceptual connection between
education and inquiry, and signals the necessity of a consideration of
epistemic values in conversations about values in education. Such a
consideration contributes significantly to a response to my main research
question: What are salient features of DoE conversations about values in
education in South Africa from 2000 to 2005? In Section 4.2.4 below I argue
that DoE conversations obscure the centrality of the notion of epistemic
values in respect of education and schooling.
4.2.4 Inquiry, epistemie values and instrumental rationality
In this subsection I draw attention to the conceptual connections between
inquiry and epistemic values. This represents a crucial stage in this
investigation into DoE conversations about values in education in so far as I
argue that, in order to reflect in any meaningful way on values in education
the concept 'epistemic values' must be brought on board.
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Morrow's emphasis below (2002:25) on the social nature of the practice of
inquiry, a specialized form of discussion, which has a distinctive
epistemological project, provides a fruitful way of thinking about values in
education:
[Inquiry] is possible only in communities of inquiry. Its general
disciplines are tolerance, respect, impartiality, diligence,
openness, justice and courage. Values such as these are
constitutive of the practice of inquiry; they are internal to that
practice and are distorted if we try to force them into the frame
of instrumental values.
The intrinsic values that make inquiry the practice that it is can
be called 'epistemic values'. They are the shared values of
communities of inquiry.
The point that Morrow (2002:25) makes is that no discussion about values in
education can avoid a consideration of what he refers to as 'epistemic values'.
Above he identifies 'tolerance', 'respect', 'impartiality', 'diligence', 'openness',
'justice' and 'courage' as episternic values that are constitutive of the practice
of inquiry. Now 'tolerance' and 'openness' are, amongst others, values that
are promoted by the Values Report. The values promoted by the Values
Report have a political and patriotic agenda, and this occludes the centrality of
epistemic values in conversations about values in education. It sets up values
such as those mentioned above as being instrumental values. In this respect
DoE conversations about values in education are underpinned by
instrumental rationalism.
Instrumental rationalism has its origins in seventeenth and eighteenth century
Europe during the Enlightenment period, when great progress was made in
science, when people realised the benefits of abandoning superstition in
favour of knowledge, and abandoning irrationality in favour of rationality.
Instrumental rationality values science for its usefulness; it views science as a
means to an end. It attaches extrinsic value to science.
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While instrumental rationality has provided us with enormous benefits in
respect of scientific and technological advances, it becomes highly
problematic in the sphere of values in education, since then values are seen
as a means to an end. Blackburn (2008: 187) characterizes 'instrumental
value' as "value that something has as a means to something eise". In respect
of education, instrumental rationality undermines recognition of the intrinsic
value of education. On an instrumental rationalist approach, education is
regarded as a means towards some end or ends, and is regarded as of value
only because of its usefulness.
In the next section I explore the relation between schooling, values and ethics,
in order to further explore the grammar of the Values Report.
4.2.5 Schooling, values and ethics
The concept 'schooling' is at the centre of DoE conversations about values in
education. This much is clear if we consider the following. DoE conversations
about values in education DoE [2000, 2001 (a), 2001 (b), and 2002] centre
around what values are to be fostered in schools, and the DoE initiated
research projects of 2000 and of 2004 were conducted in schools, with
particular purposes in mind, as explained in Chapters Five and Seven of this
thesis. However, the concept 'education' features most prominently in the
mentioned conversations about values. What this means is that the DoE
conversations about values in education, generally, do not distinguish
between 'education' and 'schooling'.
This point is underscored by the fact that the titles of two seminal documents
that have emanated from DoE conversations about values,' one of which
deliberates about which values must be fostered in schools (the Values
Report) and the other which is directed primarily at schools in order to nurture
democratic values (the Manifesto) prefer the term 'education' above
'schooling' in their titles which are in full Values, Education and Democracy
and the Manifesto on Values, Education and Democracy. In respect of its
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conflation of 'education' with 'schooling' DoE conversations about values are
conceptually muddled. I provide a motivation for this claim below.
Education is not synonymous with schooling. A conceptual distinction must be
made between 'education' and 'schooling'. Morrow (1989:11-12) emphasises
this point:
Questions about education and questions about schooling are
typically run together in arguments about 'education' and this
gives rise to a great deal of muddle and confusion. These two
concepts are different kinds of concepts, they have different
uses in our thought.
Encapsulated in the above quotation is the idea that schooling is historically
specific. Schooling is located within specific bureaucratic arrangements.
Schooling systems differ from one geographical location to the next and from
one historical location to the next. If, in words of Morrow (1989: 12) "education,
properly conceived, emancipates or liberates a person from dominance by
any system", then 'education' is not confined to geographical or historical
locations. It must then also be conceded that schooling might or might not be
educative. But 'schooling' is not synonymous with 'education'. Carr
(2003:207) makes points similar to the above when he refers to "a new
vocationalism" in which the terms 'education' and 'schooling' are used
interchangeably. Carr (2003:207) quite correctly points out that this
constitutes "a grave philosophical error", and (Carr, 2003:209) makes a point
that further illuminates the philosophical imperative to distinguish between
'education' and 'schooling':
Appreciating that education is principally concerned to initiate
individuals into a range of non-instrumentally valuable, but
personally formative modes of knowledge and virtue, provide a
justification of the curricular relevance to all pupils of forms of
knowledge, understanding and appreciation (of history,
philosophy, poetry, music and so on) that are not likely to be of
specific practical or vocational use. At the same time, the
distinction of education from schooling and the concomitant
recognition that the provision of such personal formation is not
the only aim of state-funded schooling enables us to
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accommodate this conception of education to a broader social
theory of schooling, and to appreciate that schooling has other
more instrumental concerns with the wider socialisation and
welfare of pupils.
What stands out in the above extract is that education is intrinsically valuable,
and that schooling has a number of purposes and goals, one of which is to
educate persons, but schooling also has other purposes or goals, such as to
socialize the young into society. With this latter goal in mind, schooling can be
seen to have instrumental worth. DoE conversations are conversations about
values in schooling. The DoE conflation of 'education' with 'schooling' diverts
attention from the functions or goals or purposes of schooling. Any
investigation about values in schooling must take into account the functions or
goals or purposes of schooling in order to locate the concept 'values' within
schooling. It is possibly more appropriate to refer to 'values in education and
in schooling'.
Christie (2008) provides a background against which one can develop a
framework for conceptualising values in schooling. Christie's Opening the
Doors of Learning. Changing schools in South Africa starts with the question
as to why it has been so difficult to realise the dream of the Freedom Charter
that 'The doors of learning and culture shall be opened!' (Christie, 2008: 1). Of
relevance for this thesis is that Christie identifies three broad goals and
purposes of schooling as follows (Christie, 2008: 185): Systematic teaching
and learning; Active participation in the world; and Individual development.
The first of the broad goals and purposes of schooling focuses attention on
the curriculum, and on activities of teachers and learners. I make the
assumption that teachers and learners will use the curriculum in order to
engage in educative activities.
The second of the broad goals and purposes of schooling, namely 'active
participation in the world' indicates a societal role for schooling, namely that
the young must be taught how to participate in civic life. In the case of South
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Africa, the young must be taught, amongst other things, how to participate in a
democracy.
The third of the broad goals and purposes of schooling is closely related to
the second of these. In order to participate in specific ways in society, persons
must develop specific dispositions. For example, if I as a teacher want to
teach learners to participate in civic life in ways that are honest, I would have
to assist learners to develop the disposition to always act honestly.
Christie further frames each of the three broad goals and purposes of
schooling "in terms of an ethical commitment for educational practice and
change" (2008:212).
Before I discuss the framing of these goals and purposes of education, it is
necessary to briefly consider the relationship between ethics and values. I
begin a consideration of the relationship between ethics and values by
returning briefly to the concept 'values'. In Section 4.2.1 I define 'values' as
guiding principles when human beings have to make decisions, or choose
between alternative, perhaps competing, courses of action. Hereby I wish to
stress the interrelatedness between values and human action. Human action
involves purposeful activity that is guided by what a person regards as
valuable.
An acknowledgement of the relationship between values and human action is
at variance with an understanding of ethics such as that of Blackburn
(2008:240) who states that the morality of persons and their ethics amount to
. the same thing. In contrast with this view of Blackburn it is my contention that
. human action provides the link between values and ethics. It would appear
that Christie (2008:9) would be in agreement with this claim:
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Ethics entails thinking about what counts as a good life, and how
we should live together with others in the world we share.
Schooling is full of ethical considerations. Schooling is a shared
human activity (and so is theorizing about schooling). It involves
judgments of all sorts: about what is correct and incorrect
performance; about what is normal and what is deviant
behaviour. In fact, schooling practices are saturated with
judgments about the actions of human beings in relation to each
other, and about what is good and right. In other words, they
[schooling practices], inevitably involve ethics.
What the above quotation draws attention to is the communitarian nature of
both ethics and schooling. Ethics is necessarily a matter of communitarian
engagement, since it is about how one should live a good life in relation to
others. Schooling practices involve, amongst other things, making ethical
judgements, and this is then one sense in which schooling itself is a
communitarian enterprise.
Christie (2008:9) further states, and I concur, that "ethics is an ongoing
practice, rather than a set of ideal principles". The point is that, while values
are guiding principles, 'ethics' is a set of practices both guided by, and giving
substance to principles, that is, values. I return to this point below in this
subsection.
In respect of the ethical framing of each of the three broad goals and
purposes of schooling, the correspondence between goals and purposes on
the one hand, and ethical commitments is the following (Christie, 2008:212):
Systematic teaching and learning may be framed in terms of an
ethics of commitment to intellectual rigour. Active participation in
the world may be framed in terms of an ethics of civility in
building the conditions for a democratic public space. Individual
development may be framed in terms of an ethics of care for
self, for others, and for the world we share.
While aspects of our engagement with the three broad goals and purposes of
schooling may and do involve individual endeavours, all three nevertheless
point towards communitarian projects: Systematic teaching and learning,
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which is educative teaching and learning, involves a community of inquirers. I
make this point in subsection 4.2.3 above. Active participation in the world
necessarily involves interacting with others. Individual development can take
place only in relationship with others. Likewise, the three ethical commitments
that frame each of these three broad goals and purposes for education point
towards communitarian projects.
Given Christie's point of departure that ethics is a matter of ongoing practice
(see above) one can say that ethical commitment is guided by principles, or
values. For each of the ethical commitments identified by Christie, one can
identify sets of guiding principles or values as follows: An ethics of
commitment to intellectual rigour is guided byepistemic values. An ethics of
civility in building the conditions for a democratic public space is guided by
democratic values. An ethics of care for self, for others, and for the world we
share is guided by values of care.
Epistemie values are values related to knowledge and the growth of
knowledge. Democratic values are values related to political life and to civic
republican societal arrangements. Values of care are related to the well-being
of self, others and the world. One could identify sets of epistemie values,
democratic values, and values of care. However, it will not be possible, indeed
it is undesirable, to compartmentalise values, since there will necessarily be
overlaps in respect of the names given to values, and not necessarily in
respect of meanings assigned to named values. I attempt to illustrate this
below.
Epistemie values would include the values of tolerance, respect, impartiality,
diligence, openness, justice and courage (Morrow, 2002:25).· Democratic
values would include the six core values identified in the Values Report
[2000(a):6-7], namely the values of 'equity', 'tolerance', 'multilingualism',
'openness', 'accountability' and 'social honour'. To this list we could also add
the values of 'respect' and 'justice'. One can see here similar naming of
epistemie and democratic values. Moreover, the six core values of the Values
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Report are "important for the personal, intellectual and emotional development
of the individual" [DoE, 2000(a):6]. This seems to indicate that the six core
values should also be viewed as episternic values. Values of care would
include the values of tolerance, respect, compassion, justice, and openness.
The point I make here is that it is not a question of categorizing values. It is,
rather, that the identification of the three sets of values that guide our
educational practices within the context of schools makes a useful distinction
between sets of values, in so far as it clarifies our interrelated projects in
respect of schooling, namely of striving after intellectual rigour, active
participation in the world, and individual development. In so far as this
identification of sets of values clarifies our interrelated projects in respect of
schooling, it also provides us with a conceptual framework for discussing and
understanding DoE conversations about values in education.
One can represent this conceptual framework in tabular form as presented in
table 3.
Table 3: Goals and purposes of schooling. An ethical framework and
guiding principles
Broad goals and Ethical framework Values as guiding
purposes of schooling principles
Systematic teaching and An ethics of commitment Epistemic values
learning to intellectual rigour
Active participation in the An ethics of civility in Civic democratic values
world building the conditions for
a democratic public
space
Individual development An ethics of care for self, Values of care
for others and for the
world we share
The discourse on values that emerges from the Values Report obscures the
epistemic project of schooling by forefronting 'active participation in the world'
as one of the broad goals and principles of schooling. I make the point that
'systematic teaching and learning' is definitive of schooling and provides the
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vehicle for other goals and purposes of schooling such as 'active participation
in the world' and 'individual development'.
4.3 Concluding remarks
An investigation of the grammar of the Values Report indicates that this
moment in the DoE conversations does not clarify the concept 'values'; it is
conceptually unclear in its alignment of 'values education' with 'character
formation'; it forefronts 'dialogue' and 'debate' at the expense of the notions of
'discussion' and 'inquiry' which are conceptually linked to the notion of
'education; and it promotes civic democratic values at the expense of
epistemic values. Thus, this DoE conversation about values in education is
underpinned by an instrumental rationalist approach to values in so far as the
values that are promoted are considered to be a means towards encouraging
civic democratic and patriotic practices.
I conclude this chapter having developed a conceptual framework for thinking
about values in education. In the next chapter, Chapter Five, I discuss a
second moment in DoE conversations about values in education when I
investigate the grammar of the report of the school-based research of 2000,
namely Opening Pathways.
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CHAPTER FIVE
OPENING PATHWAYS
5.1 Introduction
In this chapter I examine a report on school-based research entitled Values,
Education and Democracy. School-based Research Report. Opening
Pathways for Dialogue (Opening Pathways) [DoE, 2002 (a)]. This chapter
contributes to formulating a response to my main research question: What are
salient features of DoE conversations about values in education in South
Africa from 2000 to 2005? It does so by addressing the subsidiary research
question: What is the grammar of DoE conversations about values in
education from 2000 to 2005? In this chapter the conversation in question is
Opening Pathways.
Before I turn to issues surrounding the grammar of Opening Pathways I make
a brief comment in respect of the presentation of that report. This report on
school-based research is significant in so far as it represents the first attempt
on the part of the DoE to try to establish how members of school communities
understand value concepts. However, there are weaknesses in the
presentation of the research report. One weakness pertains to ambiguity
regarding the composition of participatory workshops that were held with
learners, teachers and parents [DoE, 2002 (a):1. It is not immediately clear
whether participants in specific workshops came from all three of these
categories of persons, or whether there were separate workshops for
learners, teachers and parents. However, the report is clear about this issue
when, with reference to the second phase of the research, it states explicitly
[DoE, 2002 (a):20] the number of workshops that were held with learners, with
teachers and with parents, thus indicating that there were separate workshops
for learners, parents and teachers.
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Another weakness of Opening Pathways is that it does not state specifically
whether principals and teachers completed the same questionnaire, or
whether there was a different questionnaire for principals. It is also mentioned
that semi-structured interviews were held with 12 principals and with various
provincial education department officials who were tasked with promoting
values in education [DoE, (a):1]. I make mention of the fact that the views of
principals and of provincial education department officials were sought in the
light of the categories of persons about whom Opening Pathways reports. The
report distinguishes between views of pupils, parents, and teachers, but does
not refer specifically to principals' and provincial education department
officials' responses. This leaves one with the assumption that principals and
provincial education department officials are subsumed under the category
'educators'. I next turn to the grammar of Opening Pathways.
An investigation of the grammar of Opening Pathways focuses on issues that
emerge from its literature review. It also focuses on the meanings that the
Values Report on the one hand, and teachers, learners and parents, on the
other hand, assign to the six values proposed in the Values Report.
Before I engage with an investigation of the grammar of the research report, I
provide some background to the study, and look briefly at the following
aspects of the research report: Research objectives; Research instruments;
Sampling; Data collection; and Findings and recommendations. This provides
the context within which I investigate the grammar of the research report, and
I deal with it in the remainder of this section.
During October 2000 the DoE commissioned extensive school-based
research. The research was conducted by the Education Policy Unit of the
University of the Witwatersrand and Vuk'uyithathe Research and
Development, and supported by a consortium of research organisations (DoE,
2002:ii). The preliminary findings were published during 2001 as Values,
Education and Democracy: Interim Research Report. These preliminary
findings informed discussions at the Saamtrek Conference held in 2001 [DoE,
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2001 (b):79]. During 2002 the final report was published under the title
Values, Education and Democracy. School-based Research Report. Opening
Pathways for Dialogue (Opening Pathways).
The school-based research explored the ways that educators, learners and
parents think and talk about values in education. The research also
attempted to establish what meanings members of school communities
(learners, educators and parents) attach to the six key values identified by the
Working Group on Values in Education that was constituted during 2000 by
the Minister of Education, namely 'equity', 'tolerance' 'openness',
'accountability', 'multilingualism', and 'honour' [DoE, 2002 (b): 1].
Given the aim of the research as stated above, it would appear that an
assumption _underpinning the research is that there is the possibility that
meanings assigned to value concepts on the part of school communities
might differ from meanings assigned to value concepts in the Values Report.
In Section 5.2.2 below I explore the similarities and differences in respect of
the assignation of meanings to value concepts on the part of the constituent
members of school communities on the one hand, and those in the Values
Report.
Opening Pathways spells out the objectives of the school-based research as
follows DoE, 2002 (b):5]:
(i) To understand the values currently operating in South
African schools and the meanings attributed to these
values;
(ii) To understand the way learners, educators and parents
talk about values in education, and their vision for 'values'
in schools;
(iii) To understand the relationship between the vision laid out
in the Working Group's document and the ideas,
perceptions and realities that run our schools;
(iv) To identify ways in which the Values Report could be
modified to reflect the realities and perceptions within
schools better;
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(v) To identify ways of deepening democratic values in
schools, and to measure the distance between our current
reality and the vision we are striving for; and
(vi) To document testimony of good practice at schools already
engaged in promoting democratic values through
schooling.
Given the stated objectives of the research, it is clear that the DoE wants to
see a continuation of the conversation about values in education that was
initiated through the Values Report. The research findings on meanings
assigned to value concepts - to be discussed under 5.2.2 - indicate that the
research provide insights into how the understandings of school communities,
on the one hand, and the Values Report, on the other hand, in respect of
value concepts coincide or differ.
The research made use _of a questionnaire (at times this is referred to in
Opening Pathways as a self-administered survey) for teachers as data
gathering instruments. Participatory workshops were held with teachers,
learners and parents. This served as mechanism to collect additional data.
The research was a two-phase project. In the first phase 97 primary and
secondary schools across five provinces were involved, and in the second
phase six Early Childhood Development (ECD) sites across two provinces
were covered [DoE, 2002(b): 1]. This research was therefore quite
comprehensive in respect of the number of provinces and the number of
primary and secondary schools that participated in it. However, the report
does not state how many primary schools and how many secondary schools
were involved across the five provinces. Neither does it explain what the
significance is of distinguishing, when it outlines its research methodology,
between primary and secondary schools. Later, when the report presents its
findings, no distinction is made between the responses of primary and
secondary school learners.
In respect of the primary and secondary schools, the five provinces from
which schools were selected were Eastern Cape, Free State, KwaZulu Natal,
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Mpumalanga and North West Province [DoE, 2002 (b):18]. Provincial officials
selected schools in their provinces in such a manner that there was a
representative sample of schools. However, Opening Pathways does not
provide any justification for the selection of these five out of the nine provinces
of South Africa.
Teachers at each of the 97 schools were asked to complete a questionnaire.
In respect of the participatory workshops, 13 schools were selected and three-
hour workshops were conducted with learners, teachers and parents
respectively. These schools represented urban, rural, peri-urban, more
affluent and less affluent school communities, as well as learners from
different cultural and religious backgrounds [DoE, 2002 (b):18-19].
The following table [DoE, 2002 (b):19] indicates which categories of p.ersons
were selected, and how these categories of persons were selected.
Table 4: School-based research. Sampling
Group Selection Method
Learners Grade 7 in primary schools, Grade 10 in secondary schools. It was
requested that learners were selected through a serial selection of
class lists.
Parents The principal was asked to identify 12 parents representing a
combination of SGB members and non-SGB members, and reflecting
the racial diversity of the school learner population. The principal was
requested not to attend the parent workshop.
Educators The principal was asked to select educators randomly. For the most
part, educators were selected on the basis of both volunteering and
principal selection. The principal was asked not to attend the
educator workshop.
Opening Pathways omits to explain or justify two things. It does not explain
why the learner research participants were chosen specifically from amongst
grade 7s and grade 10s. Neither does it explain why the principal was
requested not to attend the parent or the educator workshops. Presumably
this was to avoid the principal's presence influencing the way the discussion
developed. If one examines the issues that were explored in the workshops,
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discussions may have been critical of the principal and/or the School
Management Team (SMT). Issues explored in the workshops were the
following [DoE, 2002 (b): 19]: values perceived as currently underpinning
schools; the meanings of those values and how they are manifested in
practice; values participants would like to see as the core values in schools;
the meanings of these values and the ways in which they could be manifested
in practice; perceptions of the gap between current and envisioned values,
and suggestions for bridging that gap. These are issues that can be discussed
openly and honestly only if participants perceive freedom from any kind of
pressure. The following footnote in relation to educator workshops is of
relevance here [DoE, 2002 (b)]:
In two cases, the workshop results may have been influenced by
the participation of the Deputy Principal, and in one workshop,
the results may have been influenced by the participation of the
sister of the Principal (herself an educator at the school).
Thus, it appears that workshop results may indeed have been influenced by
the presence of members of the SMT or a family member of a principal, and
the possibility exists that the presence of principals could have influenced
workshop results.
In respect of the six ECD sites, the provinces from which these sites were
selected were Eastern Cape and Mpumalanga. Again, Opening Pathways
does not state what the criteria were for selecting these two provinces
specifically. Provincial officials used the following criteria for selecting the
ECD sites [DoE, 2002 (b): 19-20]: Schools had to be willing to participate in
the research; Schools had to be sufficiently close to one another to make it
possible for a joint teacher workshop to be held; The sample of schools had to
be representative of urban, peri-urban, rural, more affluent and less affluent
school communities; The sample of schools had to include community based
schools as well as sites attached to primary schools; and Participants had to
include learners from a range of racial, cultural and religious backgrounds.
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In respect of the participatory workshops, schools were requested to invite 12
parents or guardians to represent the following categories of parents [DoE,
2002(b ):20]: Working parents; Home-based parents; Single parents; School
Governing Body (SGB) members; Parents from different racial and cultural
backgrounds; Parents whose children had been attending the centre for some
time; and Parents whose children were new to the school.
I have identified the following six recommendations that emanate from
Opening Pathways (DoE, 2002 (b):59-60): (i) A process whereby dialogue
about values is opened up in schools must be initiated; (ii) Education
departments at national, provincial, and district levels must engage in a similar
process of dialogue around values, in order to nurture a reflective culture
about values; (iii) Meaningful dialogue amongst members of the school
community must, in general, be deepened; (iv) Teacher training programmes
must prepare student teachers to become facilitators of dialogue,
communication and critical debate, and must develop student teachers'
listening skills; (v) The National Curriculum Statement (NCS) must pay
specific attention to deepening dialogue across disciplines; Educators and
learners should be purposefully engaged in dialogue in the classroom; and
(vi) Priority must be accorded to projects based on the extent to which they
will deepen dialogue.
If one studies these six recommendations it is clear that 'dialogue' is at the
centre of each and that dialogue relates to what should be happening in
schools, in national and provincial education departments, amongst members
of school communities, in teacher training programmes, in the curriculum, and
in school related projects. Opening Pathways clearly prioritizes 'dialogue' as
the means towards seeding and nurturing values in schools. In Chapter Four,
Sections 4.2.3 and 4.2.4, I critique the DoE emphasis on dialogue, and
suggest that a more fruitful way of articulating a critical conception of
conversation within an educational context is by means of the concepts
'discussion' and 'inquiry'. The concept 'dialogue' is, within the context of the
Opening Pathways recommendations, vague - there are no clear indications
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as to what processes should be followed in order to encourage dialogue. This
omission can be considered to constitute a flawed silence on the part of
Opening Pathways.
Opening Pathways identifies four cross-cutting themes that emerged from the
analysis of data generated by the questionnaire and workshops, namely
'communication', 'human rights', 'discipline' and 'equity' [DoE, 2002(b):20].
The cross-cutting themes find expression in the main recommendation of
Opening Pathways which proposes the following four 'pathways' for
deepening increased dialogue in schools, and for encouraging the formation
of "democratic and rights oriented values" [DoE, 2002(b):57]. The four
'pathways' are: (i) Critical thinking, (ii) History, science, and epistemological
localisation, (iii). Multilingualism, and (lv) Creativity, participation, expression
and teamwork. Again Opening Pathways is vague in so far as it does not
provide further guidelines in respect of how the 'pathways' must be followed.
In other words, the report does not suggest what procedures and processes
must be followed in respect of, for example, nurturing critical thinking skills in
learners.
I next investigate the grammar of Opening Pathways in respect of issues that
emerge from the literature review of that report (Section 5.2), and in respect of
meanings assigned to value concepts (Section 5.3). In Section 5.4 I provide
some concluding remarks and state what the subject of investigation of
Chapter Six is.
5.2 The grammar of Opening Pathways
I investigate the grammar of Opening Pathways in respect of issues that
emerge from the literature review of that report (Section 5.2.1), and in respect
of meanings assigned to value concepts (Section 5.2.2).
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5.2.1 Issues that emerge from the literature review
To begin with, Opening Pathways locates the research within the context of
colonialism and globalization, considers what the role of the state should be in
values formation and draws attention to a tension between the nurturing of
national identity on the one hand and the nurturing of a more universal
consciousness [DoE, 2002(b ):6-12] on the other hand. Opening Pathways
maintains that values formation in South African society is seriously
challenged by the disvalues seeded by colonialism, and specifically by the
apartheid system which it regards as a form of colonialism, and also by the
disvalues seeded by globalisation [DoE, 2002(b ):6-8]. Values seeded by
apartheid and by globalisation stand in tension with the values expounded in
the Constitution [DoE, 2002 (b):6-8]. For example the disvalue of
'subservience', seeded by apartheid, stands in. tension with the value
'creativity'; the disvalue 'individualism', seeded by globalisation, stands in
tension with the traditional values of communities.
In respect of the above, I make the following point about the conflation on the
part of Opening Pathways of the notions of 'colonialism' and 'apartheid'. It
refers explicitly to apartheid as "the most recent form of colonialisation" [DoE,
2002 (b):6]. I now look at dictionary definitions of concepts related to
'colonialism', and to a definition of 'apartheid'. The following are offered as
explanations for concepts related to 'colonialisation' (SACOD, 2008:227):
"colony - a country or area under the political control of another country and
occupied by settlers from that country"; "colonialism - the policy or practice of
acquiring political control over another country, occupying it with settlers, and
exploiting it economically"; Given these circumscriptions of concepts related to
'colonialisation' one can say that the latter is the act of subjecting a country to
colonialism. On this understanding of 'colony', 'colonial' and 'colonialisation', a
key characteristic is that a foreign power dominates the indigenous people of
a land in order to benefit economically. Apartheid is defined (SACOD,
20098:48) as "the system of segregation or discrimination on grounds of race
in force in South Africa 1948-91)". If one were to accept these definitions, then
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clearly apartheid and colonialisation or colonisation are two very different
things. The report of the Middle East Project of the Human Sciences
Research Council (HSRC) Democracy and Governance Programme makes a
distinction between 'colonialism' and 'apartheid' when it says that "colonialism
and apartheid both constitute serious violations of fundamental human rights"
(HSRC, 2009: 14). The 'both' indicates that the two are regarded as distinct. In
respect of 'colonialism' the report states (HSRC, 2009: 14):
A situation may be classified as colonial when the acts of a
State have the cumulative outcome that it annexes or otherwise
unlawfully retains control over territory and thus aims
permanently to deny its indigenous population the exercise of its
right to self-determination.
This circumscription of 'colonialism' is in line with the above definition of
'colonialism' where the key- features are the domination of a foreign power
over the indigenous people of a country. In respect of apartheid, the report
states (HSCR, 2009:14):
Apartheid is an aggravated form of racial discrimination because
it is a State-sanctioned regime of law and institutions that have
the purpose of establishing and maintaining domination by one
racial group of persons over any other racial group of persons
and systematically oppressing them.
Again, this circumscription of 'apartheid' is in line with the above definition of
the term, namely that the key characteristic of apartheid is racial segregation.
Jansen (2004:1) likewise distinguishes between colonialism and apartheid
when, while reflecting on the situation regarding race, education and
democracy ten years after the first democratic elections were held, he refers
to three hundred years of colonialism and forty years of formalised apartheid
From the foregoing it is clear that a distinction must be made between
colonialism and apartheid. By referring to apartheid as "the most recent form
of colonialisation" [DoE, 2006 (b):6] Opening Pathways assumes that there is
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no distinction between the two, but does not provide an explanation or
argument to support its stance on this issue. Before apartheid there was
colonisation. Under apartheid, it was not a foreign power that unlawfully
annexed South Africa. Foundational to apartheid was classification of South
Africans into race groups, and one race group gained domination over others
and systematically exercised various levels and forms of oppression over
different race groups.
I next deal with issues around the question of the role of the state in values
formation. Opening Pathways considers three streams of thought that inform
questions about the role of the state in values formation. These approaches
are briefly stated as follows [DoE, 2002 (b):8]:(i) The state should not engage
in values formation; (ii) The state has a role to play in values formation, via its
education departmentls; (iii) The formation of a 'national' identity (through
state education) might deter the formation of a more universal consciousness.
I briefly outline the standpoint taken by Opening Pathways in respect of each
of these three approaches.
In respect of the view that the state should not have a role to play in values
formation, Opening Pathways refers to views of Carrim and Tshoane [DoE,
2002 (b):8-9] who argue that the state should not engage in values formation,
and indicates that Carrim and Tshoane's argument unfolds as follows: Values
discourses are closely linked to morality discourses. If a morality discourse
(via its links with values discourses) is introduced into the educational sphere,
this means that the government, through the education system, wants to
shape the moral character of citizens. Interventions of this nature pose a
threat to democracy and a return to prescriptive morality.
In Chapter Four, Section 4.2.2, I engage with the concept 'morality' in respect
of the Values Report, and the criticism of Carrim and Tshoane that the Values
Report engages in a prescriptive morality. There I state my partial agreement
with Carrim and Tshoane's argument, but point to the inevitability of engaging
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in morality discourses. I argue that a conception of a prescriptive morality is
an atomistic conception of morality. In an atomistic conception of morality the
discourse of a select group finds prevalence. I then draw attention to a
normative view of morality which opens up the space for public conversations
about what can count as moral practices. A public conversation about
morality, if genuine deliberation and inquiry are features of such a
conversation, opens up the possibility for a revision of thinking about what
constitute moral practices. It also holds the possibility of developing shared
understandings about what constitutes moral practices. Opening Pathways
does not engage in any critical manner with the concept 'morality'. It is as if
the concept 'morality' is a transparent one. The lack of engagement, let alone
critical engagement, with the concept 'morality' constitutes a weakness in the
literature review of Opening Pathways, and shows a lack of conceptual clarity
in this respect.
Opening Pathways comes out in support of views that the state has a role to
play in values formation [DoE, 2002 (b):4] and refers specifically to views of
early African post-colonial writers and political leaders:
The study affirms the conclusion of early post-
independence writers that the process of rebuilding the
post-independent state must, by definition, reach to values
and a 'decolonialism' of the mind. Without purposeful
intervention, the state is conceding to colonial values, and
perhaps even more powerfully, to values that drive the
global economy.
The report turns to various post-colonial leaders (Nkrumah and Nyerere) and
commentators (Said, Cesaire, Toure, Ochieng and Fanon) who are of the
opinion that, if left unchecked, colonial values would continue to dominate
post-colonial society [DoE, 2002 (b):9). The general conclusion reached,
therefore, is that the state has to undertake some intervention in values
formation. The inevitable question now is: What role should state education
play in post-colonial (post-apartheid) schooling?
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In respect of the theme of the role of state education, Opening Pathways
states that "there is an emphasis on public education as the most important
state apparatus to address the challenge of building a post-independence
consciousness" in so far as education was a powerful tool under colonialism
for the formation of colonial values [DoE, 2002 (b):11]. It is clear that many
post-independence leaders viewed education as a tool that could be used in
post-independent Africa to seed anti-colonial values - which is what colonial
powers did in order to seed values that would sustain the colonial state.
However, if education is regarded as a tool to seed anti-colonial values, then,
logically, this would be doing the very same thing that colonialist governments
and the apartheid governments did - only the set of values that would be
nurtured would differ. A position such as this one begs caution.
A related position is that of Nyerere who quite explicitly views "education as a
tool for the realisation of nationhood 'values' and 'objectives'" [DoE, 2002
(b):11]. The report quotes Nyerere as saying that "Only when we are clear
about the kind of society we are trying to build can we design our educational
service to serve our goals" [DoE, 2002 (b):11]. Here there is once again a
conceptual confusion between 'education' and 'schooling'. In Chapter Four,
Section 4.2.5 I have argued that there is a logical distinction between
education and schooling, that education has to do with emancipation, and
schooling has three broad goals and purposes, namely, following Christie
(2008), systematic teaching and learning; active participation in the world; and
individual development. To assign a nation-building role to schooling might be
in order if one assumes that active participation in the world which requires
that young persons must be taught how to participate in civic life, that is, in a
democracy, includes efforts at 'nation-building. However, the concept 'nation-
building is a nebulous one, and is not explicated in Opening' Pathways.'
Moreover, the idea that education should pay a role in nation-building is
underpinned by an instrumentalist conception of education.
Opening Pathways is not critical of a point of view such as that of Nyerere,
namely that education should be seen as a tool for nation-building. However,
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viewing education in this manner, places an extrinsic value on education, and
shows an instrumental rationalist approach to education - education is a
means to an end and not intrinsically valuable. It is interesting to note, as
reported in Opening Pathways, that parents, pupils and teachers, although
they do not articulate it in terms of a discourse of intrinsic/extrinsic value, refer
to the intrinsic value of education when they refer to the value of 'excellence in
education' and to the value of 'learning' [DoE, 2002 (b):39-40]. Thus, there is
the perception amongst learners, parents and teachers that education and
learning are intrinsically valuable and not means towards ends, such as
nation-building and citizenship education, as the Values Report would have it.
See also Section 5.2.2: Meanings assigned to value concepts.
Finally, in respect of the third of the approaches that inform questions about
the role of the state in values formation, there is the danger that the formation
of a 'national' identity (through state education) might deter the formation of a
more universal consciousness. [DoE, 2002 (b):11-12]. Opening Pathways
draws attention to the fact that the Values Report is "framed by explicit
questions of national identity" [DoE, 2002 (b):11]. However, some analysts
express reservations about a process of national identity building since this
could lead to an obsession with what benefits the nation at the expense of a
concern for others who are not part of the nation. Opening Pathways cautions
against obsessive concern with national identity and cites Edward Said who
warns that "unless national consciousness at its moment of success was
somehow changed into a social consciousness, the future would hold not
liberation but an extension of imperialism" [Said, Culture and Imperialism,
1993:3260, quoted in DoE, 2002 (b):12]. Thus Opening Pathways identifies a
challenge regarding the formation of a 'national identity' in so far as the later
could preclude the formation of a broader social consciousness that
transcends nationalistic, political boundaries.
According to Opening Pathways, Said warns that a process of translating the
ideals of national independence into a "transpersonal trans-national force for
liberation" through education must be consciously advocated or post-colonial
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nations run the risk of inculcating a "new authority" that precludes "post-
colonial transformation" [DoE, 2002 (b):12]. Said's (1993) view links with a
point I made previously and a cautionary note I introduced in respect of the
role of the state in values formation, namely, if the state is engaged in values
formation in order to counter colonialist and apartheid values, then it is,
logically, doing exactly what the colonial state and the apartheid state did
although the proposed values would differ from those of the colonialist and
apartheid states. In respect of state intervention in values formation one has
to exercise caution,
Thus far I have outlined the review of the literature on which Opening
Pathways draws in order to provide a context for the school-based research.
In the remainder of this section I turn briefly to a dichotomy that Opening
Pathways identifies and then to five sets of questions of which Opening
Pathways states that the way these questions are addressed in practice will
frame the way we interact with values in education [DoE, 2002 (c):11].
Opening Pathways identifies a dichotomy that emerges from the literature that
has been reviewed. On the one hand there is the warning of Carrim and
Tshoane that "the current focus on values (rather than the consistent focus on
'rights' since 1994) is evidence of the emergence of a polarising and
prescriptive discourse on 'morality'" [DoE, 2002 (b): 16]. A focus on values
could polarise persons into groups according to religious and other value
systems. Also, state intervention strategies to foster the adoption of certain
values could be interpreted as inappropriate state intervention in the lives of
persons. The other side of the coin is, according to Opening Pathways, that
"all state education systems propagate values - whether consciously or
unconsciously ... [and that] the challenge of makinq these values more
explicit facilitates transparency of objectives and process" [DoE, 2002 (b):16).
Opening Pathways is clearly in favour of state intervention, through its
education systems, in value formation, and in disagreement with the view of
Carrim and Tshoane. Opening Pathways presents an argument against the
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above mentioned standpoint of Carrim and Tshoane, and the argument is
based on the assumption that values need to be made explicit in order to
counter colonialism and globalisation [DoE, 2002 (b):16]:
In a context whereby values have been deeply impacted by
colonial experience, and whereby the current process of
globalization brings explicit value drivers, not to engage in the
consideration of values is an implicit acceptance of a
combination of colonial and global value drivers.
Opening Pathways is correct in so far as schooling will never be value free.
However, there is the danger that state intervention, through its education
departments, in values acquisition could lead to indoctrination. It could mean
that the values that are promoted in schools are the values of those who have
the power to carry legislation though parliament - which is what happened
. during apartheid.
I now turn to the five sets of questions mentioned above, and of which
Opening Pathways says that the way in which those questions are addressed
in practice will frame the way we interact with values in education [DoE, 2002
(b):16]. I attempt to capture the essence of each of these questions in each of
the five paragraphs below, and by way of a statement of the problem( s)
underpinning each question.
The first set of questions is underpinned by the knowledge that we have come
from a system where the state apparatus has been driven by
apartheid/colonialist values. The questions that emerge are (i) Whether the
state has been sufficiently transformed to avoid the propagation of
apartheid/colonialist values; and (ii) Whether a state can avoid sliding into an
undemocratic exercise of power over citizens once its brief is to consider what
values should be nurtured in schools.
The second set of questions is underpinned by technological, political and
economic realities of the 21st century. This can be translated into the realities
of globalisation (that was speeded by significant technological advances) and
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rampant capitalism, and the concomitant disvalues of "materialism,
competition, individualism, and violent conceptions of masculinity" [DoE, 2002
(b):16]. The question is whether, given the pervasiveness of these disvalues,
and young persons' preoccupation with shallow aspects of a technological
culture, a schooling system can effectively playa role in values formation.
The third set of questions is underpinned by the conclusions reached by
Simone (2000) that, in our urban areas, the vast majority of persons live their
lives on the perimeters of formal social structures, and consequently fall
largely outside the sphere of influence of formal policy, and are less
dependent on formal state operations than is thought to be the case. This
means that persons are far less dependent for their material existence on the
state than is thought to be the case. And if this is indeed the case, then it is
questionable- whether state policies can influence the value formation ofthese
persons.
The fourth set of questions is underpinned by political and economic
ideologies that frame society, and the questions that arise are (i) To what
extent 'values' can be considered independently of the political and economic
ideologies that are pervasive in a society; and (ii) In what ways economic
inequity can be reconciled with political equity, and ubuntu with the privileging
of individualism.
The fifth set of questions is underpinned by the tension between the call to
build a national identity and the call to build a more inclusive social identity.
The call to build a national identity could result in the kind of patriotism which
is manifested as uncritical love for and support of 'the nation'. What needs to
be developed is a social consciousness that transcends all boundaries -
national, regional, class, to name a few. If this kind of consciousness is not
developed in South Africa as a young post-apartheid state, then
transformation would not have taken place - South Africans would continue to
be guided by apartheid values.
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The previous five paragraphs outline the five sets of questions against the
background of which the report was formulated, and promotes an
understanding of the complexities surrounding initiatives concerning values
formation, and especially values formation through the formal schooling
system. These complexities are the following:
(i) Non-transformation of state apparatus and the danger of state control
could result in domination of government over citizens.
(ii) Technological advances are accompanied by value drivers such as
consumerism, individualism and male violence.
(iii) A large part of the urban population live their lives outside the sphere of
state influence.
(iv) Economic realities place a question mark over the attainment of equity.
(v) There is a tension between building national consciousness and
nurturing a broader social consciousness.
Thus, Opening Pathways draws attention to the many complexities that
surround the question of values in education. In this respect the school-based
research that culminated in Opening Pathways makes a valuable contribution
to conversations about values in education. It highlights the idea that values
formation is not a simple and transparent process.
In the next section I investigate the grammar of Opening Pathways by
examining the meanings assigned to value concepts on the part of the Values
Report on the one hand, and on the part of school communities, on the other
hand. That section responds to the subsidiary research question: What is the
grammar of DoE conversations about values in education from 2000 to 2005?
In the process of such an investigation it becomes apparent that members of
school communities often attach meanings to value concepts that differ from
those of the Values Report.
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5.2.2 Meanings assigned to value concepts
In this section I investigate what meanings learners, parents and teachers
assign to value concepts, and specifically the meanings assigned to the six
values proposed for nurturing in schools by the Values Report. In the process
of this investigation, meanings assigned to value concepts in DoE
conversations about values are also clarified. This is done in order to
illuminate how understandings of value concepts on the part of both the
Values Report and members of school communities coincide with or differ
from everyday understandings of value concepts.
Opening Pathways provides a table that sums up the understanding of
teachers of the following five of the six values identified by the working group,
namely 'equity', 'tolerance', 'openness', 'accountability' and 'honour' [DoE,
2002 (b):2-3]. Elsewhere the report provides an explanation of the
understandings of teachers as well as of parents and learners of the sixth
value identified in the Values Report, namely 'multilingualism' [DoE, 2002
(b):43-44]. The report also provides an explanation of the understandings of
parents and learners of the five values dealt with in the above-mentioned
table [DoE, 2002 (b):29-43; 44-46].
In this section I firstly outline the five values outlined in the table [DoE, 2002
(b):2-3). I proceed as follows. I firstly assess to what extent the understanding
of Opening Pathways of the five mentioned values coincide with the Values
Report understanding of those values. I next attempt to illuminate how the
Values Report and Opening Pathways understandings of the five values
coincide with or differ from everyday understandings of these values. I next
outline teachers' understandings of these values as these understandings
emerged through the educator questionnaire. I then outline parents' and
learners' understanding of these values.
I also indicate to what extent teachers', learners', and parents' understandings
of these values coincide with, or diverge from, everyday understandings of
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these values. By 'everyday understandings' I refer to meanings as explained
in dictionary definitions. My assumption here is that it is reasonable to accept
that dictionary definitions play a part in shaping our understanding of
concepts, and at the same time dictionary definitions of concepts derive from
shared or common understandings of concepts. In this study I use a few
dictionaries, including the South African Concise Oxford Dictionary, in order to
establish what constitute 'everyday understandings' of the relevant value
concepts. I lastly outline educators', parents', and learners' understandings of
the value 'multilingualism'.
I now discuss meanings assigned to each of the following values identified by
the Values Report as values that must be nurtured in schools, namely 'equity',
'tolerance', 'openness', 'accountability', 'honour', and 'multilingualism'.
Opening Pathways [DoE, 2002 (b):2] refers to "the importance of equity, with
an emphasis on redress, equal opportunity and equal access". This is an
accurate interpretation of the Values Report understanding of 'equity'. The
Values Report, in its outline of the inequalities in education that has resulted
from apartheid, states [DoE, 2000 (b):19]:
The achievement of educational goals requires a more equitable
distribution of resources, opportunities and enhanced social
honour for the people who run our education system. The need
for equality of opportunity is a perspective that educators must
bring to bear on the learning environment.
The above mentioned "importance" of 'equity' relates to the importance the
Values report attaches to the concept in so far as the Values Report identifies
'equity' as the first of the six values to be promoted, and states that remarks
made in the report about 'equity' will frame the remainder of the discussion on
values in the Values Report (DoE, 2000 (a):19).
The above 'definition' of 'equity' differs significantly from an everyday
understanding of that concept. Two of the meanings of 'equity' that the
SACOD (2008:390) provides are the following: "1. The quality of being fair
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and impartial; 2. A branch of law that developed alongside common law in
order to remedy some of its defects in fairness and justice. Pollard and
Liebeck (1995:269) define 'equity' as "fairness, impartiality", and Treffry
(1999:266) as "the quality of being impartial, fairness". The Values Report
does not at all use the terms 'fairness' and 'impartiality' in relation to the value
'equity' in their discussion of that value (DoE, 2000 (a):16-19]. The meaning
assigned to 'equity' by the Values Report is in line with the following definition
of 'equity' which relates to a legal context: "A system of using principles of
natural justice and fair conduct to reach a judgment when common law is
inadequate or inappropriate (Treffry, 1999:266). Thus, an 'equitable'
distribution of resources in education in post-apartheid South Africa would not
be an 'impartial' distribution of resources, but would be a 'fair' distribution if it
favours the disadvantaged (own example). Within the context of our apartheid
past, and the resultant inequalities in respect of education (and all other
spheres of social life), an emphasis on redress, equal opportunity and equal
access is certainly required.
Teachers' understanding of 'equity' differs significantly from that of the Values
Report. While the Values Report emphasises redress and equality of
opportunity and access, significant numbers of teachers understand 'equity' to
refer to sameness of character and treatment. Teachers variously defined
'equity' as [DoE, 2001 (c):25-26]: 'fairness' or 'justice' (28%);
'sameness'!'everyone is the same' (17%); 'equal treatment' (14%); 'equal
opportunity and access' (10%); 'no discrimination' (less than 10%); 'equal
rights under law' (slightly more than 5%); and 'redress' (less than 5%). The
figures above show that 17% of teachers are of the view that 'equity' relates to
everyone being the same. This could also mean that all persons are equal to
one another. Then there are about 29% of teachers who think, of 'equity' in
relation to equal treatment, equal opportunity and access, and equal rights.
Fewer than 5% of teachers equate 'equity' with 'redress'.
From the above figures it becomes clear that fewer than 15% of teacher
respondents have an understanding of 'equity' that coincides with the
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understanding of that value in the Values Report. It appears that teachers'
understanding of 'equity' is partially in line with an everyday understanding of
that concept. This is evident from a comparison of teachers' understanding of
'equity' and definitions of 'equity' quoted above. Pollard and Liebeck
(1995:269) and Treffry (1999:266) refer to 'equity' in relation to 'fairness' while
28% of teachers ties 'equity' to fairness and justice.
Opening Pathways further states that both parents and teachers draw a close
link between equity and excellence in education [DoE, 2002 (b):30]. Parents
emphasize the link between quality of education and issues of equity, which
could be attained through measures such as affordable school fees, feeding
schemes, uniform banks, and the availability of specialist support systems to
assist children in their individual needs [DoE, 2002 (b):31]. Parents'
understanding of 'equity' appears to be closer to the Values. Report
understanding of that concept than educators' understanding. This seems to
indicate that parents have a deeper understanding than teachers of the
negative impact of a legacy of poverty and deprivation on quality education
and that parents have given thought to short term measures to achieve
redress in order to achieve quality education, while teachers have not done
so.
Learners appear to understand 'equity' in terms of improved inclusion of
learners, especially those from poorer households [DoE, 2002 (b):31]. In
respect of learners who come from poorer households, Opening Pathways
indicates that learners felt that those learners who cannot afford commodities
such as transport fees, school fees, uniforms and good housing are
discriminated against, hence the need for inclusion of poorer learners.
Learners perceive a link between 'equity' and 'respect', in so far as they
"equated 'respect' with equitable basic resourcing of schools" [DoE, 2002
(b):32]. Thus learners feel that a lack of equitable resources in the school
context is an indication of a lack of respect for them as learners. There are
thus divergences in the assignation of meaning on the part of teachers,
parents and learners in respect of the value concept 'equity'.
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Another value that, according to the research report, is closely linked with
'equity' is 'ubuntu', which means "a spirit of fellowship, humanity, and
compassion, especially as associated with African society" (SACOD,
2008:1272). Opening Pathways for Dialogue finds that learners, parents, and
teachers emphasized ubuntu as the link between equity and compassion
[DoE, 2002 (b):32]:
Within schools, the embodiment of equity was seen to be
actions of caring shown towards the most needy members of the
community. Across schools, equity was defined as the
redistribution of resources in order that all schools, regardless of
their location, were equipped to play on a level playing field.
Both these ideas were closely associated with' Ubuntu'.
The link between 'equity' and ubuntu comes about through the understanding
of school communities that ubuntu is about '''looking out for each other' and a
sense of compassion during times of need" [DoE, 2002 (b):32]. From the
above quotation it can be seen that 'equity' is linked to both caring and
redistribution of resources. The question of the redistribution of resources
resonates with the following statement of the Values Report [DoE, 2000
(b):18-19]:
It should be clear that the overriding imperative of public policy
is to remedy inferior schooling .... Enhanced investment in our
poorly resourced schools is in everyone's interest. ... The
achievement of educational goals requires a more equitable
distribution of resources.
It is thus via the concept ubuntu that there is some agreement between the
Values Report and school communities in respect of a link between 'equity'
and the distribution of resources.
I next discuss meanings assigned to the value concept 'tolerance'. Opening
Pathways [DoE, 2002 (b):2] refers to 'tolerance' as "mutual understanding,
reciprocal altruism and the active appreciation of the value of human
difference". The interpretation of 'tolerance' on the part of Opening Pathways
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accurately reflects the meaning assigned to that concept by the Values Report
[DoE, 2000(a):22] which states:
By tolerance we do not mean the shallow notion of putting up
with people who are different, but a deeper and more
meaningful concept of mutual understanding, reciprocal altruism
and the active appreciation of the value of human difference.
The key phrase that underpins the argument of the Values Report is the
phrase "the active appreciation of the value of human difference". The Values
Report sees human difference not merely as a given, but attaches value to it,
stating that human diversity is the key to our survival as a species (DoE, 2000
(a):24). Moreover, the Values Report links the notion of 'ubuntu' to the value
of 'tolerance', and regards 'ubuntu' as an example of a value that regards
'difference' as a value [DoE, 2000 (a):22]. In these DoE conversation
moments 'tolerance', 'ubuntu' and 'difference' are linked in the ways outlined
above.
Everyday understandings of 'tolerance' differ markedly from the meaning
assigned to that value by the Values Report. 'Tolerance' is variously defined
as "the ability, willingness, or capacity to tolerate something" (SACOD,
2008: 1233), "willingness or ability to tolerate a person or thing" (Pollard and
Liebeck, 1995:845), and "the quality of accepting other people's rights to their
own opinions, beliefs, or actions" (Treffry, 1999:883). There are of course
other contexts, not relevant here, within which we use the concept 'tolerance',
for example in the context of being able to withstand pain or extreme climatic
conditions. The Values Report conception of 'tolerance is, therefore, a much
stronger, politically focused conception than an everyday understanding of
that concept where 'tolerance' is equated with 'putting up with' ..
There is significant divergence between the way the Values Report
understands 'tolerance' and the way teachers understand that value. While
the Values Report understanding of 'tolerance' points the way to greater
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engagement amongst persons with one another, teachers' understanding
points in the direction of a passive non-engagement with the other.
The following reflect teachers' understanding of 'tolerance' [DoE, 2002 (b):32]:
'Having patience with', 'Putting up with', 'Bearing' other people and different
ideas (46%); 'Accepting' or 'appreciating' cultural differences and/or different
views and opinions (32%); Reaching towards consideration, open
mindedness, and understanding (12%); and 'Respect' (5%). These
formulations appear to be more in line with an everyday understanding of
'tolerance', and less politically motivated than the understanding of the Values
Report [DoE, 2000 (a):26] which links 'tolerance' to non-discrimination and the
sense of worth of an individual as follows:
. We are finally convinced that the value of tolerance is best
promoted if a tougher line is taken on discriminatory practices. It
is profoundly undesirable to have practices that undermine the
sense of worth of any individual. Discrimination against learners
on the basis of appearance or sex has the intended or
unintended consequence of excluding them from certain types
of knowledge or social activities, breed alienation and
fragmentation.
It is understandable that the Values Report should articulate a strongly
worded rejection of discrimination since, during 2000 when that report was
written, alienation and fragmentation were (and today still are) features of the
South African society.
The following are the main findings with regard to the value 'tolerance' [DoE,
2002 (b):33]: No-one openly supported intolerance; Neither did anyone openly
support discriminatory practices; and Within all three groups there were those
who equated 'respect' with a lack of discrimination. Despite the apparent non-
support of discriminatory practices, Opening Pathways [DoE (b), 2002:33, 34]
nevertheless found the following manifestations of discrimination:
Discriminatory thinking as well as practices were widespread in schools;
Learners identified 'disrespect' as manifested in 'discrimination' and exclusion
as the 'value' most frequently manifested in schools; Learners referred to
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experiences of discrimination based on gender, race and culture; There was
not much discussion about racial discrimination in schools, probably due to
the lack of integration in schools; and Teachers were hesitant to discuss race
and racial difference, nevertheless the issue of race did emerge in
discussions.
Opening Pathways draws the following extremely important conclusion in
respect of the issue of race [DoE, 2002 (b ):35]:
The lack of personal experience with truly multicultural
environments, combined with a hesitation to speak freely about
race in mixed-race settings, means that many educators are not
well positioned as leaders of anti-racism work in schools.
Opening Pathways is correct when it refers to a lack of personal experience
on the part of teachers with truly multicultural environments. Apartheid has
been divisive and has left South African society fragmented and divided. The
fact that South Africa now has a democratic constitution does not mean that a
democratic, non-discriminatory way of life is adopted overnight. Discrimination
is a way of life that is deeply rooted in the lives of South Africans, and it is
precisely the aim of DoE conversations about values in education to nurture
democratic values.
In discussions of 'tolerance' the concepts 'culture' and 'religion' featured. In
respect of culture, Opening Pathways [DoE, 2002 (b):36] states that parents
were of the opinion that all cultures were not equally valued at schools, but
were unable or unwilling to provide specific examples of manifestations of this
kind of intolerance. Moreover, discussions about culture tended to remain at a
rather superficial level, equating the concept 'culture' almost exclusively with
food, song and dance, while neglecting the more substantive issues of custom
and tradition [DoE, 2002 (b):37]. However, an engagement with substantive
issues of custom and tradition is crucial since it is at the intersection of
different customs and traditions in South Africa and elsewhere, where human
rights issues surface. Dilemmas may arise and conflict may result when
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persons appeal to the right to practise their own traditions, but where others
see this as infringing on the rights of others.
Just as there was little engagement with substantive issues regarding
customs and traditions, similarly there was only superficial engagement with
the concept 'religion' and little understanding of religions of 'others'. According
to Opening Pathways [DoE, 2002 (b):37] many teachers have little
understanding of the major religious faiths in South Africa, with many equating
'religion' with the Christian faith, and values education with Biblical Studies.
Opening Pathways [DoE, 2002 (b):37] concludes that many teachers are
therefore not in a position to promote tolerance in respect of diverse religious
affiliations. Given these findings about 'tolerance', customs and traditions, and
religion, it is to be expected that teachers are in a position to offer only
superficial guidelines in the classroom when the culture, traditions and
religions of the people of South Africa are being studied. These are important
findings and have implications for policy implementation. It is education policy
that religion education replaces religious education in public schools.
However, these findings on the part of Opening Pathways show that teachers
are ill-equipped to put into practice the policy regarding religion education.
Two further points Opening Pathways makes are in respect of ubuntu and
history. Opening Pathways [DoE, 2002 (b ):38] states that the Values Report
linked tolerance to ubuntu, and that teachers, learners and parents were
committed to promoting the value of ubuntu in schools. In respect of history,
Opening Pathways [DoE, 2002 (b):38] refers to the Values Report that
identifies three challenges that face history and geography teaching if these
disciplines were to contribute to the fostering of democratic values in schools:
Human evolution must be taught in order to dispel myths that underlie racial
prejudice; History and geography teaching must provide a comprehensive
history which is inclusive of all the people of South Africa and must focus on
past abuses of human rights in order to gain an understanding of 'historical
genocide'.
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Opening Pathways [DoE, 2002 (b):38] states that the Educator Questionnaire
tested teachers' support for the above mentioned challenges, and found that
the majority of teachers agreed with the goals as set out in the Values Report,
but that between 20% and 40% did not agree, and concludes that "These
educators represent a potential barrier to the realization of these objectives".
When Opening Pathways refers to the 'goals' or 'objectives' of the Values
Report, that document refers also to the recommendations of the Values
Report, since the recommendations sum up the goals or objectives of the
Values Report. See Section 4.1.3 for a discussion of the recommendations
made by the Values Report. Opening Pathways is correct in respect of the
conclusion arrived at that, if between 20% and 40% of teachers disagree with
the goals of the Values Report, then those goals might not be implemented.
There might be forced implementation of the recommendations of the Values
Report through education policy and legislation, for example implementation
of recommendations in respect of multilingualism. However, policy might still
not be properly implemented if teachers do not see the need for and urgency
of such policy.
I next discuss meanings assigned to the value 'openness'. Opening Pathways
[DoE, 2002 (b):3] refers to "Openness to new ideas and an orientation to
knowledge-based problem solving, critical thinking and debate". This is an
accurate identification of the meaning the Values Report assigns to the value
'openness'. The Values Report states (DoE, 2000 (a):39]:
[Openness] principally has to do with the values of being open
and receptive to new ideas; with developing the ability to ask
good and penetrating questions; with insisting on good evidence
for arguments; and with being willing to debate ideas in order to
arrive at quality decisions.
The Values Report understanding of openness largely coincides with one of
the everyday understandings thereof, namely to be "ready to consider new
ideas [and to be] honest and frank" (Treffry, 1000:568). Readiness to consider
new ideas by extension requires critical thinking, and the willingness to
engage in debate.
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There is considerable divergence between the understanding of 'openness'
on the part of the Values Report, and that of teachers. While the Values
Report links openness to questions about knowledge, teachers'
understanding of 'openness' is largely linked to personal attributes -
'transparency', 'truthfulness', and so on. Opening Pathways [DoE, 2002
(b):39] characterises teachers' understanding of 'openness' as being
interwoven with "a discourse of accountability". Thus, teachers' understanding
of 'openness' coincides partially with everyday understandings of that
concept. The Values Report [DoE, 2002 (b):39-40] draws a connection
between learning, excellence in education and the nurturing of democratic
values. School communities agree with the Values Report on this and refer to
the value of 'excellence in education' and to the value of 'learning'. Thus,
school communities regard education as such, as well as learning, to be
valuable.
While the Values Report is of the view that there is a relationship between
critical thinking skills and values formation, school communities did not relate
values formation to the development of critical thinking skills [DoE, 2002
(b):40]. There is thus clearly a divergence between, on the one hand the
Values Report and, on the other hand, school communities, in respect of their
understanding of the relationship between critical thinking and values
formation.
When teachers engaged with the issue of the development of critical thinking
skills in learners, they gave pragmatic responses, for example that it would be
impractical, given the classroom contexts, lack of time, lack of support on the
part of management, or irrelevance, since learners did not ask questions
[DoE, 2002 (b):41]. Teachers' responses in respect of the development of
critical thinking skills in learners illustrate the distance between the ideals of
the Values Report and grassroots reality, or, put differently, the development
of learners' critical thinking skills "lies beyond the horizon of current reality in
all the schools participating in this study" [DoE, 2002 (b):40]. The 'current
reality' is described in some detail by a facilitator of a teacher workshop [DoE,
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2002 (b):40-41] who discovered that teachers in the group did not understand
what was meant by 'critical thinking' until an example was provided; teachers
said that learners do not, generally, ask any questions, let alone questions
that involve critical thinking; teachers admitted that learners do not listen to
them; teachers expressed the view that they themselves are never provided
with an opportunity to speak openly about their failures in the classroom; and
finally expressed a desire that workshops be arranged between teachers and
parents in order to begin the process of building sound pedagogical
relationships between learners and teachers.
The above summary indicates that the ideal of achieving openness in the
school and in the classroom is still a far off ideal. The suggested workshops
between parents and teachers might go some way towards nurturing
.openness, also in respect of. a teacher's failures in the classroom. Such
workshops should be regularly scheduled and facilitated by an appropriately
qualified and skilled person who is neither a parent nor a teacher in the school
community where the workshop is taking place.
I now discuss meanings assigned to the value concept 'accountability'.
Opening Pathways identifies the core meaning of 'accountability' as "educator
and learner responsibility and excellence as well as legitimate and vibrant
democratic governance of schools" [DoE, 2002 (b):3].
This is a reasonable interpretation of the core meaning the Values Report
assigns to 'accountability'. The Values Report [DoE, 2000 (a):43] promotes
the ideas that "teachers and administrators must be leaders and set the
example", and that teachers and learners must "become partners in the
vocation of schooling". The idea 'of 'teachers as leaders' is reflected in the
Opening Pathways reference to "educator responsibility", and the idea of
teachers and learners as "partners in the vocation of schooling" is reflected in
the Opening Pathways reference to the joint responsibility and excellence of
teachers and learners [DoE, 2002 (b ):3].
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The Values Report states further [DoE, 2000 (a):45]:
The challenge is to make school governing bodies a legitimate
and working institution of civil society .... Ours is a transitional
society on the move from an authoritarian heritage, where the
rules of punitive sanction are replaced by the rules of democratic
accountability.
This injunction is reflected in the Opening Pathways reference to "legitimate
and vibrant democratic governance of schools" [DoE, 2002 (b):3].
An everyday understanding of what it means to be 'accountable' includes
"required or expected to justify actions or decisions" (SACOD, 2008:7),
"obliged to give a reckoning or explanation for one's actions ... able to be
explained (Pollard and Liebeek, 1995:6) and "responsible to someone or for
some action" (Treffry, 1999:5). The Values Report understanding óf
'accountability' goes beyond this everyday understanding of the concept. The
Values Report understanding of that concept must clearly be seen within an
educational context, hence references to teacher and learner excellence. The
Values Report conception of 'accountability' has a political dimension in
respect of the issue of school governance in so far as it wishes to see that
school governance reflects the imperatives of the constitution of South Africa.
There is some measure of agreement between the Values Report
understanding of 'accountability' and that of teachers, but teachers'
conceptions do not link accountability to 'legitimate, vibrant and democratic
school governance'. The following reflect teachers' understanding of the
concept 'accountability' [DoE, 2002 (b):42]: The 'ability to account' for or
explain your actions and behaviours within a disciplinary system (44%); You
can provide satisfactory records and documentation to defend your behaviour
(6%); Associated with internal sense of responsibility or maturity (29%); and
External sense of responsibility and reliability in relation to school stake
holders (15%).
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It appears that teachers' understanding of 'accountability' is closer to
everyday understandings of that concept, than to the understanding thereof of
the Values Report. Learners' understanding of the concept 'accountability'
emphasise their need to see teachers providing role models, and not
preaching one set of values, while practising another [DoE, 2002 (b):42]. This
in effect constitutes a call on the part of learners that teachers must be
professionally accountable in their relationships with learners.
According to Opening Pathway [DoE, 2002 (b):43] the Values Report links
'accountability' with a secure learning environment. Although members of
school communities did not make the connection between 'accountability' and
a secure learning environment, they nevertheless lay emphasis on the
importance of school safety in two respects; firstly as a value, and secondly
as a precondition for values formation [DoE,. 2002 (b):43]. Thus school
communities place a value on school safety and conclude that values cannot
be nurtured in the absence of a safe school environment.
I next discuss meanings assigned to the value concept 'honour'. Opening
Pathways identifies the core meaning of the value 'honour' as embodying "a
civic republican notion of citizenship where the needs of the individual and the
community are balanced" and as referring to "our sense of honour and identity
as South Africans" [DoE, 2002 (b):3]. This is not an entirely accurate
interpretation of the meanings the Values Report assigns to the value
'honour'. The Values Report [DoE, 2000 (a):48] recognizes that teaching and
learning are the primary functions of a school, but that "part of the learning
experience involves an anticipation of the responsibilities of adulthood,
including those of citizenship in a democracy".
The Values Report [DoE, 2000 (a):50] contrasts a liberal notion of citizenship
with a civic republican notion of citizenship, and cautions against the
consequences for a society if extreme forms of these notions are practised:
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In [a liberal tradition] the individual exercises his or her
democratic freedom as an autonomous person and worries
about social consequences after that. In [a civic republican
tradition] the individual exercises his or her democratic freedom
first through a group or community and worries about individual
consequences later. The former can be seen as unbridled
individualism and the latter the subjection of the individual to the
community.
Neither the Values Report nor Opening Pathways clarify sufficiently what is to
be understood by a 'liberal tradition' and by a 'civic republican tradition'. In
Chapter Six, Section 6.2.1 I discuss various conceptions of 'citizenship'. There
I conclude that the Values Report expounds a communitarian conception of
'citizenship'. I discuss conceptions of 'citizenship' more fully in Chapter Six.
Opening Pathways draws attention to an injunction of the Values Report,
namely that in so far as neither liberal nor civic republican positions in their
extreme forms are desirable, there should be a balance between the two
traditions [DoE, 2002 (b):50]. In this matter I am in agreement with the Values
Report. In Chapter Four, Section 4.3.1 I argue that a culture of individualism
cannot nurture shared values. It has the potential to seed disvalues such as
greed and materialism. On the other hand, if there is total subjection of the
individual to the community, the question of the independence of human
agency is threatened. A balance between the traditions of liberalism and a
civic republican tradition can provide an appropriate communitarian space
where shared values may be nurtured alongside the flourishing of human
agency. A communitarian conception of 'citizenship' can provide this balance.
The Values Report then links efforts to find a balance between the two
traditions (liberal and civic republican) to the notions of 'honour' and "identity'
by stating: "This effort includes our sense of honour and identity as South
Africans" [DoE, 2000 (a):50]. From the above it is clear that Opening
Pathways is correct in its interpretation that the Values Report ties the value
'honour' to our sense of honour and identity as South Africans.
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However, the Values Report does not tie the value 'honour' specifically to a
civic republican notion of citizenship. As stated above, the Values Report
explicitly recommends that we find a balance between the liberal tradition and
the civic republican tradition, that is, that we find a balance between rampant
individualism, and the subjection of the individual to the community. This
means that the conception of citizenship as articulated in the Values Report is
underpinned by both the liberal and civic republican conceptions of
citizenship, where the two traditions are in balance with each other. This is
commendable as a compromise situation which balances individualism with
the needs of the community.
I now turn briefly to a comparison between the Opening Pathways
understanding of 'honour' and everyday understandings of 'honour'. The
SACOD (2008:555) defines 'honour' as follows: "1. High respect; a feeling of
pride and pleasure from being shown respect; a person or thing that brings
credit. 2. A clear sense of what is morally right".
In this definition the emphasis is on the personal, and on respect and morality.
These features are not found in the Values Report conception of honour. The
definition of Pollard and Liebeck (1995:382) of 'honour' coincides with that of
the SACOD above, also in its reference to personal achievement, respect and
to morality: "Great respect, high public regard; a mark of this, a privilege given
or received; a source of this, a person or thing that brings honour; a good
personal character, a reputation for honesty and loyalty".
The definition by Treffry (1999:383-384) likewise emphasizes personal
achievement, respect and morality, and additionally the notions of fame and
glory are made explicit here:
A person's good reputation and the respect they are given by
other people; fame or glory; a person who wins fame or glory for
his or her country, school, etc; great respect or esteem, or an
outward sign of this; a privilege or pleasure; in honour of, out of
respect for; on one's honour, under a moral obligation.
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These everyday understandings of 'honour' do not include the political notion
of 'citizenship'. There is also divergence between the understanding of the
Values Report, and the understanding of teachers as to what is entailed by
'honour'. The following reflect teachers' understanding of 'honour' [DoE, 2002
(b):44: 'Respect', 'being respected', and being recognized and appreciated for
hard work and achievement (67%); 'Honesty (12%); and 'Noble action' and
'right action' (10%). While the Values Report understanding has a focus on
citizenship, and on a balance between individual and community needs,
teachers' understanding of 'honour' relates to individual needs and rewards,
and is in consequence closer to an everyday understanding of that value.
The following are amongst the findings of Opening Pathways in respect of the
understanding of members of school communities of the concept 'honour'
[DoE, 2002 (b):44-45]. All research participants made a link between effort
and achievement, on the one hand, and values on the other hand, with
schools that reward effort and achievement being perceived as showing
respect, while those which do not, are perceived as showing a lack of respect.
While the Values Report considers rituals and symbols of national loyalty to
be important for values formation, during the participatory workshops no
mention was made of the importance thereof for values formation. However,
responses to the Educator Questionnaire indicate that the majority of teachers
supported the display of the national flag as ritual and symbol. Fewer teachers
supported the idea of a pledge of loyalty.
I next discuss meanings assigned to the value concept 'multilingualism'. The
Executive Summary of Opening Pathways does not include teachers'
understandings of the working group value 'multilingualism'. In Section E of
the Educator Questionnaire teachers are asked specific questions about five
of the values identified by the working group, namely 'equity', 'honour',
'tolerance', 'openness' and 'accountability' [DoE, 2002 (b):67-69].
However, in Section 0 of the Educator Questionnaire [DoE, 2002 (b):65-67]
teachers are presented with 31 statements and asked to indicate whether
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they strongly agree, agree, disagree, or strongly disagree with the statements.
Below I list those statements that concern the Working Group value
'multilingualism' (with the number of the statement provided between
brackets): "Teachers should all learn at least one African language" (6);
"Schools should promote English as the primary language of this country"
(16); "While it is good to respect people's languages, it is not practical to have
multilingual schools" (22); "The sole use of English can inhibit access to many
forms of knowledge" (25); and "Learners should be encouraged to speak in
their mother tongue in class and on school grounds" (27).
In respect of statement 6, 'Teachers should all learn at least one African
language', 67.3% of respondents agreed or strongly agreed [DoE (b),
2002:43]. In respect of statement 25, 'The sole use of English can inhibit
access to many forms of knowledge' 61.4% of respondents agreed or strongly
agreed [DoE, 2002: (b):43]. The report does not make available the statistics
in respect of statements 16, 22 and 27. Nevertheless, responses to
statements 6 and 25 indicate significant support for multilingualism on the part
of teachers.
Section F of the Educator Questionnaire [DoE, 2002 (b):70-71) elicits
teachers' views on ideas of the Working Group, where teachers are presented
with statements, followed by questions to which they have to respond with
'Yes', 'No', or 'Don't know'. Teachers are also asked to explain their answers,
and to provide examples where possible. The second statement with
accompanying set of questions directly addresses the issue of multilingualism
as follows [DoE, 2002 (b):70]:
Some people say that schools should foster multilingualism.
This means that learners should have an initial grounding in
mother tongue learning. It may mean that in South Africa all
learners should learn three languages, and at least one African
language.
Is this idea in conflict with your own values in any way?
In your opinion, is this idea practical in this school?
Are there barriers to promoting multilingualism in your school?
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Teachers responded as follows, with percentages between brackets, where
provided by Opening Pathways [DoE, 2002 (b):44]: The idea is in conflict with
their own values (28%); Two languages are sufficient; It would not be practical
(38%) because of a lack of resources/ because only certain languages were
spoken in the community; and There are barriers at school that prevent the
introduction of multilingualism (40%), for example, lack of resources, lack of
commitment to the idea.
The relatively large number of negative responses (almost one third to more
than one third in respect of the various questions in the above set of
questions) on the part of teachers seems to be at variance with the views of
parents and learners on the issue of multilingualism in schools. According to
Opening Pathways [DoE, 2002 (b):43] parents and learners place a high
premium on multilingualism in schools, since multilingualism would allow for a
deepening of communication as well as understanding; and develop a deeper
cultural confidence in learners. Opening Pathways [DoE, 2002 (b):43] notes
that parents, especially, perceived of multilingualism as a means of values
formation - as a "pathway to democratic values in schools".
By way of concluding this section, the following pertains. There is
considerable divergence in the understandings of the six core values
promoted in the Values Report. The understanding of teachers differ
significantly from the understanding of the Values Report in respect of the
values 'equity', 'tolerance', 'openness', and 'honour'. There is some shared
understanding between teachers and the Values Report in respect of the
value 'accountability'. In respect of multilingualism, teachers do not share,
with the Values Report, a sense of urgency. about its implementation.
However, parents and learners recognise the importance of multilingualism for
values formation. Finally, there are two important concepts connected to
values formation that need mention. The first is the concept of 'excellence in
education'. There is agreement between the Values Report and members of
school communities that there is a connection between excellence in
education and values formation. However, there is divergence in thinking
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between the Values Report and school communities on the link between the
development of critical thinking skills and values formation. Finally, while the
concept is not articulated as such, there is the emergence of an appreciation
for epistemic values when school communities recognise 'excellence in
education' and 'learning' as values in themselves.
5.3 Concluding remarks
In this chapter I undertook an investigation of the grammar of Opening
Pathways and focused on issues that emerge from the literature review of that
report. I also focused on the meanings that the Values Report on the one
hand, and teachers, learners and parents on the other hand assign to the six
values proposed in the Values Report.
The following issues emerge from an investigation of the grammar of Opening
Pathways. In the first place, although the report takes forward its conversation
about values that was initiated with the publication of the Values Report, it
does not clarify how the four 'pathways' should be followed, that is, it does not
indicate how the process of nurturing democratic, rights-oriented values in
schools should in practice be carried out. Secondly, there is significant
divergence of understanding between school communities and the Values
Report in respect of the values 'equity', 'tolerance', 'openness', and 'honour';
some shared understanding between teachers and the Values Report in
respect of 'accountability'; but teachers do not seem to place a high priority on
achieving multilingualism. In the third place, Opening Pathways does not
engage (or engage sufficiently) with key concepts, namely, 'colonisation', and
'apartheid' as a form of colonisation, but assumes that apartheid is indeed a
form of colonisation. It also does not engage with and clarify the concepts
'morality', and 'liberal' and 'civic republican' conceptions of 'citizenship'. In this
same vein, Opening Pathways does not provide clarity on its conception of
'nation-building'. This is a nebulous concept that is nowhere explicated by the
report. In the fourth place, Opening Pathways appears to be supportive of
ideas that would have it that 'education' should be used as a 'tool' to seed
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anti-colonial/anti-apartheid values. In so far as 'education' is regarded as a
'tool', Opening Pathways perpetuates an instrumentalist conception of
education instead of keeping the notions of 'education' and 'schooling' distinct
from each other.
In Chapter Six I investigate the grammar of the Manifesto on Values,
Education and Democracy (the Manifesto), a publication that followed upon
discussions at the Saamtrek Conference (2001), but that was also informed
by the Values Report and Opening Pathways.
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CHAPTER SIX
THE MANIFESTO ON VALUES, EDUCATION AND
DEMOCRACY
6.1 Introduction
The focus of this chapter is on a moment in DoE conversations about values
in education as captured in the Manifesto on Values, Education and
Democracy (the Manifesto). This chapter responds to the subsidiary research
question: What is the grammar of DoE conversations about values in
education from 2000 to 2005? A response to this question illuminates, firstly,
conceptions of 'citizenship' that underpin the citizenship education project of
the Manifesto. Secondly, it illuminates conceptual confusions in the Manifesto
in respect of confusions between values, ideas and teaching strategies
(referred to as 'educational strategies' in the Manifesto). Thirdly, it uncovers
silences in the Manifesto in respect of its citizenship education project.
In the next section I sketch the background to the formulation and
dissemination of the Manifesto. In the third section I undertake an
investigation of the grammar of the Manifesto as indicated above. In the fourth
and final section I offer some concluding remarks and indicate the subject
matter of Chapter Seven.
6.2 History and composition of the Manifesto
The Manifesto flows from the Saamtrek Conference on values in education
that was held at Kirstenbosch, Cape Town, from 22 to 24 February 2001, and
from the recommendations made in the report on that conference, namely
Saamtrek: Values, Education and Democracy in the 21st Century. Conference
Report (the Saamtrek Report). The Saamtrek Conference and the Manifesto
form part of the values in education initiative of the DoE, namely, Tirisano
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Project 6: Race and Values in Education (see Chapter One, Section 1.2
where reference is made to The Values in Education Programme of Action).
Thus, the Saamtrek Conference forms part of the national debate on values in
education called for by the then Minister of Education, Professor Kader
Asmal. In his Foreword to the Saamtrek Report Asmal refers to the
Conference as "an extremely significant national gathering" [DoE, 2001 (a):iii]
which was attended by "politicians, academics, intellectuals, departmental
officials, researchers, educators and members of non-governmental
organizations" in order to discuss the constitutional values to be embraced by
our education system. Discussions at the Saamtrek Conference were
informed by the Values Report, by Opening Pathways, and by papers
presented during plenary sessions and during panel discussions.
Recommendations made in the Saamtrek Report informed the Manifesto
which was published during August 2001.
The Manifesto comprises a Foreword by the then Minister of Education; an
Executive Summary; an Introduction; and two further sections, namely
Section I: Constitutional Values and Section 2: Educational Strategies. The
Manifesto incorporates ten values proposed in the Saamtrek Report. The
Manifesto was further informed by public debate that was generated by the
Values Report; the findings of the school-based research that was
commissioned by the DoE and published as Opening Pathways; and by
contributions (written and oral) made at the Saamtrek Conference.
The following "ten fundamental values of the Constitution" are identified in the
Manifesto [DoE, 2001 (b):4]: 'democracy'; 'social justice'; 'equality; 'non-
racism and non-sexism'; 'ubuntu' (human dignity); 'an open society';
'accountability' (responsibility); 'the rule of law'; 'respect'; and 'reconciliation'.
These values coincide with the values proposed in the Saamtrek Report,
except that the sixth value in the Manifesto is 'an open society' and not
'openness' as the Saamtrek Report [DoE, 2001 (a):39] proposes.
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In order to establish to what extent these values indeed correspond with the
Constitution (Constitution of the Republic of South Africa Act 108 of 1996.
Chapter 1. Founding Provisions. 1) (my own emphasis in order to highlight the
values mentioned there that are taken up in the Manifesto):
We, the people of South Africa ... adopt this Constitution as the
supreme law of the Republic, so as to heal the divisions of the
past and establish a society based on democratic values, social
justice and fundamental human rights.
The Constitution states further (Constitution of the Republic of South Africa
Act 108 of 1996. Chapter 1 Founding Provisions. 1):
The Republic of South Africa is one, sovereign, democratic state
founded on the following values:
a. Human dignity, the achievement of equality and the
advancement of human rights and freedoms.
b. Non-racialism and non-sexism.
c. Supremacy of the constitution and the rule of law.
d. Universal adult suffrage, a national common voters roll,
regular elections and a multi-party system of democratic
government to ensure accountability, responsiveness and
openness.
From the two extracts above it is clear that the values proposed in the
Manifesto, are indeed 'Constitutional values'. The values 'democracy', 'human
dignity', 'equality', 'non-racialism and non-sexism', 'accountability', and 'the
rule of law' of the Manifesto are named explicitly in the above extracts from
the Constitution. I now refer briefly to the Manifesto values "social justice and
equity', 'an open society', 'respect', and 'reconciliation'.
In the Manifesto the Constitutional value 'social justice' is tied to 'equity'. nie
Manifesto provides a reason for this, namely that the social justice clauses in
the Constitution commit the state to equality of provision of education, as well
as to mother tongue education [DoE, 2001 (b):14]. Given the unequal
provision of education under apartheid, and the great inequalities this resulted
in, there can be no social justice if there is no equity. It is for this reason that
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the notion of 'equity' is linked to the value 'social justice'. The Manifesto value
'an open society' can be tied directly to the Constitutional value 'openness'. In
the extract from the Constitution quoted on the previous page the concept
'openness' features in relation to mechanisms (which includes a multi-party
system of government) that are put in place to ensure "accountability,
responsiveness and openness (Constitution of the Republic of South Africa
Act 108 of 1996. Chapter 1 Founding Provisions. 1). The Preamble to the
Constitution refers directly to the notion of 'an open society' hence the
proposal on the part of the Manifesto that the value 'an open society' as one
of the Constitutional values to be nurtured.
There are two values proposed in the Manifesto that are not explicitly
articulated in the Constitution, namely 'respect' and 'reconciliation'. With
regard to 'reconciliation', this value must be related to the Constitutional
injunction 'to heal the divisions of the past' (see the quotation on the previous
page). The Manifesto makes this point and also refers to the Interim
Constitution [DoE, 2001 (b):20]:
This is just as the drafters of the Interim Constitution saw it when
they prescribed that 'the pursuit of national unity, the well-being
of all South African citizens, and peace' be based on
'reconciliation between the people of South Africa and the
reconstruction of society'.
Given the divided past in South Africa, and deep-seated animosities, it is
inevitable that, unless a spirit of reconciliation is actively pursued, the values
of the Constitution cannot be actively lived by the people of South Africa. With
regard to the value 'respect', the Manifesto [DoE, 2001 (b):19] points out that
school-based research has shown that, together with dialogue, respect is the
most desired value in schools, and that the value 'respect' underpins the
manner in which the Constitution identifies a person's relationship with the
state as well as with other persons. I agree in so far as the rights and
responsibilities circumscribed in the Constitution cannot be actualised unless
there is respect for the Constitution and respect for other persons. In respect
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of the ten values proposed in the Manifesto, that document states the
following [DoE, 2001 (b):4]:
[These values] are explored in a way that suggests how the
Constitution can be taught, as part of the curriculum, and
brought to life in the classroom, as well as applied practically in
programmes and policy making by educators, administrators,
governing bodies and officials.
The document is clearly intended for use beyond the school classroom, but it
will be accurate to say that its main use lies in the school and in the school
classroom for the nurturing of the values of the Constitution of South Africa,
that is, for citizenship education.
Next, the Manifesto outlines sixteen strategies "for instilling democratic values
in young South Africans in the learning situation" [DoE, 2001 (b):4], and these
sixteen strategies coincide exactly with the sixteen strategies outlined in the
Saamtrek Report [DoE, 2001 (a):40]. The sixteen strategies are [DoE,
2001 (b ):21-78]: 'Nurturing a culture of communication and participation in
schools'; 'Role modelling: promoting commitment as well as competence
among educators'; 'Ensuring that every South African is able to read, write,
count and think'; 'Infusing the classroom with a culture of human rights';
'Making arts and culture part of the curriculum'; 'Putting history back into the
curriculum'; 'Introducing religion education into schools'; 'Making
multilingualism happen'; 'Using sport to shape social bonds and nurture nation
building at schools'; 'Ensuring equal access to education'; 'Promoting anti-
racism in schools'; 'Freeing the potential of girls as well as boys'; 'Dealing with
HIV/AIDS and nurturing a culture of sexual and social responsibility'; 'Making
schools safe to learn and teach in and ensuring the rule of law'; Strategies
pertaining to 'Ethics and the environment'; and 'Nurturing the new patriotism,
or affirming our common citizenship'.
Having provided an outline of the background, purpose and content of the
Manifesto, I now turn to an investigation of the grammar of that moment in
DoE conversations about values in education.
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6.3 The grammar of the Manifesto
This section discusses conceptions of 'citizenship' that underpin the
Manifesto, illuminates some conceptual confusion, and identifies some
silences in the Manifesto.
In Chapter One and Chapter Two I indicate what is to be understood by the
'grammar' of DoE conversations. To ask the question 'What is the grammar of
DoE conversations about values in education from 2000 to 2005?' is to ask
'What are the assumptions that underpin DoE arguments?' To ask this latter
question is also to ask the following questions: 'What are DoE conceptions
about the goals and purposes of schooling?' 'To what extent is there
continuity amongst DoE conversations about values in education?' 'Is there
conceptual clarity in DoE conversations about values in education?' And
'What meanings are assigned by the DoE to value concepts in conversations
about values in education in South Africa from 2000 to 2005?'
Section 6.3.1 responds to the question 'What is the underlying set of
assumptions out of which DoE arguments arise?' In that section the DoE
arguments pertain specifically to assumptions underpinning conceptions of
'citizenship'. Section 6.3.2. responds to the question 'Is there conceptual
clarity in DoE conversations about values in education?' A response to this
question uncovers conceptual confusion in respect of the concept 'values'.
Section 6.3.3 responds to the question 'What are DoE conceptions about the
goals and purposes of schooling?' A response to this question uncovers a
silence in DoE conversations in respect of the goals and purposes of
schooling, and this silence relates to a second silence in the Manifesto,
namely a silence on possible tensions that may arise between Constitutional
values and values held by individuals or groups - individual values or cultural
values. A third silence on the part of the Manifesto that is uncovered has to do
with its lack of clarity with regard to processes and procedures that must be
followed by teachers and others in order to nurture the values proposed in the
Manifesto.
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6.3.1 Conceptions of 'citizenship' that underpin the Manifesto
Waghid (2004: 106) refers to "two Tirisano moments of citizenship education"
with reference to Asmal's Tirisano project on values in education that saw the
birth of the Values Report and the Manifesto. Citizenship education is thus the
focus of both these moments in the DoE conversations about values in
education. If one considers the analysis of Knight Abowitz and Harnish (2006)
it becomes clear that the concepts 'citizenship' and 'citizenship education' are
far from transparent. An analysis such as that undertaken by Knight Abowitz
and Harnish provides a framework for conceptualising 'citizenship', and
provides a starting point for uncovering conceptions of 'citizenship' that
underpin the Manifesto. It is important to understand what conception or
conceptions of 'citizenship' underpins the Manifesto in order to understand
what form citizenship education should take.
Knight Abowitz and Harnish (2006) undertook an analysis of selected
theoretical and curricular texts on citizenship or citizenship education. Their
point of. departure is that citizenship, "at least theoretically, confers
membership, identity, values, and rights of participation and assumes a body
of common political knowledge" (2006:653). They provide a rationale for the
selection of texts as follows, and this rationale includes reference to 11
September 2001 (9/11) when two jetliners crashed into the twin towers of the
World Trade Center in New York, a third into the Pentagon outside
Washington and a fourth in a field in Pennsylvania (2006: 655):
We focused this review on scholarly and curricular English-
language texts and authors whose work were published from
1990 through 2003. We further chose works in which citizenship
or citizenship education was the primary focus. This time period
was selected not only because it included 9/11 and its aftermath
but also because it included the last decade of the twentieth
century, in which a large number of theoretical and speculative
writings were generated on the nature of democratic life.
The events of 9/11 had implications for thinking about citizenship and
citizenship education, especially in the United States of America (USA), which
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is the focus for these two authors of their analysis of texts on citizenship and
citizenship education, as mentioned below. The significance of the events of
9/11 for citizens of the USA is that there was, amongst other things, an
upsurge of patriotism, accompanied by fear and/or suspicion of 'the other'.
On the basis of their analysis Knight Abowitz and Harnish identify seven
distinct but overlapping frameworks in respect of meaning making of the
concept 'citizenship'. They have found that two of these frameworks are
dominant in shaping notions of citizenship and citizenship education, namely
the civic republican and the liberal frameworks. They refer to these two
frameworks as "enlightenment inspired" frameworks and to the remaining five
as "critical" frameworks (2006:656) in so far as these latter five frameworks
question in a critical manner the two dominant frameworks. I first look briefly
_at their characterisation of these two enlightenment inspired frameworks,
namely the civic republican and liberal frameworks, before I outline the
remaining five frameworks.
Knight Abowitz and Harnish (2006: 657-658) point out that the notion of
patriotism has featured strongly in civic republican discourses in the USA
since 9/11, and that a civic republican framework requires the following: love
for and service and commitment to the political community; improved civic
literacy and a central body of civic knowledge for good citizenship; the
promotion of a civic identity; respect for the symbols of the political
community; and active participation in the common good of the political
community.
Thus, a civic republican framework indicates a strong political community and
encourages patriotism. A drawback of this framework is that patriotism can
result in an uncritical acceptance, even defence, of the nation, and also its
leaders in government. A liberal framework on the other hand, places an
emphasis on individual liberty. Knight Abowitz and Harnish characterise a
liberal framework as follows (2006:661 ):
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[A liberal framework] prioritizes the rights of individuals to form,
revise, and pursue their own definition of the good life, within
certain constraints that are imposed to promote respect for and
consideration of the rights of others. From the conception of
individual rights comes a focus on equality, or the ability of all
people - especially those in historically marginalized and
oppressed groups - to fully exercise their freedom in society.
While a civic republican framework, if taken to extremes, can encourage
uncritical patriotism, a liberal framework, if taken to extremes, and if the
checks and balance, the 'constraints' to which Knight Abowitz and Harnish
refer to in the quotation above are not effective then this can encourage
selfish individualism and result in an atomistic society characterised by
convergent instead of shared goods. (See Chapter Four, Section 4.2.1, where
I explore Taylor's (1985) notions of convergent and shared goods.)
Knight Abowitz and Harnish refer to two strands of liberal citizenship
discourses, namely the neoliberal, and the political liberal discourse, of which
the latter is, at the time of their writing, more influential than the former
(2006:661). According to Knight Abowitz and Harnish (2006:661) political
liberal citizenship discourse articulates a "thin" conception of a political
community which features the following two characteristics: (i) Less
agreement on values, identity and forms of democratic participation than in
civic republican discourse; and (ii) A focus on procedures for open, inclusive
deliberation about matters of policy and governance.
A "thin" conception of political community where there is less agreement on
values, identity and forms of democratic participation than in civic republican
discourse seems to indicate that the emphasis is not so much on achieving a
state of shared goods; the emphasis is on processes of deliberation. In other
words, liberal political discourse does not articulate the need for shared
values, identity and forms of democratic participation; it articulates the need
for processes of deliberation. I will not comment here on the notion of
'deliberation'; in Section 6.3.3 below I explore that notion as a possible means
towards nurturing values in education. A final comment on the notion of a
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"thin" conception of political community is that a "thin" conception does not
indicate that values, identity and forms of democratic participation are
unimportant. In this regard McLaughlin (1992) quoted by Knight Abowitz and
Harnish (2006: 662) comments that a "thin" conception refers "not to the
insignificance of values" such as tolerance, freedom, and equality, but to "their
independence from substantial, particular frameworks of belief and value".
This seems to indicate liberal individualism - that political liberal discourse
does not attach values to particular belief systems, but to individual choice
and interpretation.
The point I make above about individual choice and interpretation appears to
resonate with the claim Knight Abowitz and Harnish (2006:662) make about
the value 'autonomy' which they identify as one of the most prominent and
most debated values associated with political liberal discourses of citizenship:
Since the historical origins of liberalism itself are found in the
rejection of structures of governance, authority and control -
monarchies, feudal economies, and the Catholic Church, among
other institutions - liberal discourses are concerned with the
primacy of individual liberty.
'Autonomy' is tied to individual liberty, which indicates "freedom from the
tyranny of authority" (Knight Abowitz and Harnish, 2006:663). Individual liberty
is identified as one of two primary values of liberal citizenship discourses.
"The other involves the deliberative values of discussion, disagreement, and
consensus building - all viewed as essential to democratic societies" (Knight
Abowitz and Harnish, 2006:663). Thus autonomy and deliberation are the key
features of political liberal discourse about citizenship.
Before I turn to the five frameworks that contest the two dominant frameworks
as outlined above, I turn to a third dominant framework not discussed by
Knight Abowitz and Harnish (2006), namely a communitarian framework.
Communitarianism is defined by Blackburn (2008:68) as:
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A model of political organization that stresses ties of affection,
kinship, and a sense of common purpose and tradition, as
opposed to the meagre morality of contractual ties entered into
between a loose conglomeration of individuals.
The notion of 'communitarianism' is discussed in Chapter Four, Section 4.2.1
and in Chapter Five, Section 5.2.1. There the notion of communitarianism is
tied to the notion of shared goods or shared understandings. A communitarian
framework can be distinguished from both liberal and civic republican
frameworks in so far as the liberal emphasises the autonomy of the individual,
and the civic republican emphasises the duties and responsibilities of the
citizen in respect of civic life. A civic republican framework in its extreme form
may amount to no more than what Arko-Cobbah (2005:1) terms "a matter of
legal status or political identity". A communitarian framework, on the other
hand, stresses shared vision and common purpose and works with the notion
that an individual finds her identity within a community. In order to deepen an
understanding of a communitarian framework it is useful to note four main
ways in which 'community' may be conceptualised (Annette, 2009: 153):
The first is to consider 'community' descriptively as a place or
neighbourhood. The secondly is to talk of 'community' as a
normative ideal linked to respect, solidarity and inclusion .... The
third way of understanding 'community' is based on the
construction of cultural identities and can be found in
communities of 'interest'. The fourth way is to consider
'community' as a political ideal which is linked to participation,
involvement and citizenship, especially on the level of the
community.
Examples of each of these four main ways of conceptualising 'community' are
the following. The first way of conceptualising 'community' refers simply to a
person's abode, the place where a person lives or works. The second way
refers, according to Annette (2009:153), to communitarian critiques of a liberal
framework where individual liberty is emphasised. An example of the third
way of conceptualising 'community' could be a religious community where
members are bound by common interests. An example of the fourth way of
conceptual ising 'community' would be as a communitarian framework for
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'citizenship', which emphasises participation and involvement. Pickett
(2001 :267) refers to one of the defining characteristics of the communitarian
position, namely that it has a more demanding or "thicker" conception of
citizenship than is common in liberal or postmodern theories, and explains this
as follows:
Citizens are expected to be concerned with the common good,
sometimes even at the expense of personal self-interest.
Citizens are also expected to participate in the structures of self-
government in a manner which advances this common good.
Anything less will mean that the community will lose its collective
ability for self-determination.
A communitarian conception of 'citizenship' therefore requires of a person to
become an active participant in the community. A communitarian conception
of 'citizenship' thus requires a person to engage with society in a competent
manner. Pickett (2001 :268) refers to Galston (1991; 1995) who provides a list
of qualities that comprise civic competence, and that gives substance to the
requirement of engagement in civic life. Pickett (2001 :268), following Galston
(1991; 1995) lists some dispositions of a person who enjoys civic competence
as follows:
Independence of thought and judgement, moderation in
demands, respect for the rights of one's fellow citizens, courage,
law-abidingness (with the possibility of exception), loyalty,
tolerance, a good work ethic, and an ability to delay gratification
... an ability to discern the talent of candidates competing for
office, the disposition and capacity to engage in public
discourse, and a disposition to narrow the gap between
principles and actions.
From the above extract it is clear that a communitarian conception of
'citizenship' demands active participation on the part of a person, which must
be coupled with certain virtues, in order that the common good, that is,
democracy can survive. Although the emphasis is on the common good of the
community, and on developing shared goods, the individual by no means
becomes subservient to the group. On the contrary, there is the requirement
of active participation in civic life, as well as the requirement that there should
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be the capacity for engagement in public discourse, that is, a communitarian
conception of 'citizenship' provides the opportunity for individual persons
within the community to develop their identities alongside the type of
community that is the object of shared goods.
After the above exposition of three major frameworks of thinking about
'citizenship' I draw attention to five frameworks for thinking about 'citizenship'
and 'citizenship education' which, according to Knight Abowitz and Harnish
(2006:657) provide powerful challenges to the liberal and civic republican
frameworks. In the remainder of this paragraph, following Knight Abowitz and
Harnish (2006:666-667), I enumerate four of these frameworks. The first of
these frameworks of thinking about citizenship is articulated through feminist
discourses of citizenship which challenge dominant frameworks on the
grounds that such discourses are steeped in gender bias, and have as
consequence the lived exclusion of women from actual citizenship. The
second of these frameworks that challenges the dominant civic republican
and liberal frameworks is a set of frameworks known as cultural citizenship
discourses. This set of discourses argues that there is exclusion from actual,
lived citizenship based on culture, ethnicity, nationality or race, and that
attainment of citizenship may come at the price of assimilation, which
endangers identity. The third of the frameworks that challenge dominant
frameworks are reconstructionist discourses which criticise the dominant
frameworks on the grounds that active, critical participation in democracies
have been neglected in conceptualisations of citizenship. A fourth framework
for conceptualising citizenship is articulated as queer citizenship discourses
which emphasise civic courage in respect of sexual orientation. A fifth
framework that contests the dominant civic republican and liberal frameworks
is what Knight Abowitz and Harnish (2006:675) refer to as transnationalism,
and which identifies not only with the local or national, but also with
international communities:
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A citizen [whose thinking falls within the trans-national
framework] is one who identifies not primarily or solely with her
own nation but also with communities of people and nations
beyond the nation-state boundaries. This discourse articulates
an agenda for citizenship that simultaneously educates students
for membership in local, national, and international organizations
and civic organizations.
Against this background I uncover conceptions of 'citizenship' that underpin
the Manifesto. I begin by considering an analysis of conceptions of
'citizenship' underpinning the Manifesto as presented by Waghid (2004).
Waghid (2004:114) maintains that the Manifesto is underpinned by both
liberal and communitarian conceptions of 'citizenship'. His argument is twofold
and proceeds as follows. In the first place, he aligns the values 'democracy'
and 'openness' with liberal as well as communitarian conceptions of
'citizenship' as follows:
Being democratic necessarily implies that in deliberation with
others one not only becomes critical of one's own position, but
also through openness begin to respect that there are others
who are different from one .... For the reason that both liberal
and communitarian conceptions of citizenship aim to achieve a
sense of deliberative democracy, the [Manifesto's] reference to
the 'value' of democracy seems to resemble such a conception
of citizenship.
The notion of deliberation is entirely compatible with one of the key
dispositions of the communitarian citizen presented above by Pickett, namely
the disposition and capacity to engage in public discourse. Since engagement
in public discourse - deliberation - is a key feature of a communitarian
conception of 'citizenship' Waghid (2004) is correct in his analysis that the
Manifesto is underpinned by a communitarian conception of 'citizenship'.
Waghid (2004) is also correct in his analysis that the Manifesto is underpinned
by a liberal conception of 'citizenship' in so far as the latter, as Knight Abowitz
and Harnish (2006:662) point out, has "greater focus [than a civic republican
conception of 'citizenship'] on procedures that would ensure fair, inclusive
deliberation about governance and policy".
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The second part of Wag hid's argument in support of his contention that the
Manifesto is underpinned by both communitarian and liberal conceptions of
'citizenship' draws attention to the requirement of strong engagement in
communal life if one's practices were guided by the values of the Manifesto,
and this is in line with a communitarian conception of 'citizenship. But at the
same time there is the requirement of the development of human autonomy,
which, in turn, is a requirement for democratic deliberation. This, in turn, is a
feature of a liberal conception of 'citizenship'. Waghid's (2004:113) argument
in this regard draws on insights of Nussbaum (2002) who offers a threefold
account of what communitarian citizenship education means, namely:
Firstly, communitarian citizenship education engenders the
capacity for critical examination of oneself, and one's traditions;
secondly, it urges that people should see themselves as human
beings who need to respect diversity; and thirdly, to imagine the
'Other', that is, the ability to imagine what it might be like to be in
the position of a person different from oneself.
Waghid (2004:114-115) draws on the above account of what citizenship
education entails, and formulates the second part of his argument in support
of his claim that both liberal and communitarian conceptions of 'citizenship'
underpin the Manifesto. This part of Waghid's argument has as starting point
the idea of imagining what it must be like to be the 'other'. If one places
oneself in the shoes of the 'other' then one would desire for the 'other' what
one would desire for oneself. This is when the value 'ubuntu' comes into play,
making it possible for the values of the Manifesto to become values that guide
the lives of persons. This in turn draws attention to the communitarian nature
of the Manifesto in so far as the values of the Manifesto "demand strong
communal participation in societal matters" (Waghid, 2004:114). Waghid
(2004, 114-115) further points out that strong communal engagement requires
that persons are able to reflect critically on their and others' situations and
make autonomous choices. Moreover, persons are not naturally endowed
with the capacity for critical reflection and autonomy of choice. These are
dispositions that must be acquired.
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In Section 6.3.3 I discuss the issue of how such dispositions can be acquired
by young persons. I do this when I discuss, in that section, silences on the
part of the Manifesto, one of which is a silence on what processes and
procedures may be followed in order to nurture the values of the Constitution.
Furthermore, I am in agreement with Waghid that the values of the Manifesto
demand strong communal engagement with matters of society, for if persons
are guided by values such as social justice and equity, non-racism and non-
sexism, accountability, the rule of law, respect for others, and reconciliation as
proposed in the Manifesto, this will require deep engagement with others in
society, critical thinking about oneself and the ability to choose autonomously.
Waghid (2004) has pointed the way for conceptualising the Manifesto as
being underpinned by both liberal and communitarian conceptions of
'citizenship'. It remains to be seen whether any of the other conceptions of
'citizenship' underpin the Manifesto - to greater or lesser extent. This is what
the remainder of this section attempts.
I firstly consider a civic republican conception of 'citizenship'. Following Knight
Abowitz and Harnish (2006:657-658) I have identified some of the key
features of a civic republican conception of 'citizenship' as love for and service
and commitment to the political community; improved civic literacy and a
central body of civic knowledge for good citizenship; the promotion of a civic
identity; respect for the symbols of the political community; and active
participation in the common good of the political community. Kymlicka and
Norman 1994: 362) deepen these features of a civic republican conception of
'citizenship' as proposed by Knight Abowitz and Harnish by pointing out that
"The feature that distinguishes civic republicans from other participationists ...
1S their emphasis on the intrinsic value of political participation for the
participants themselves". A civic republican conception of 'citizenship' places
less emphasis on deliberation and autonomous participation in civic life than
the liberal and communitarian conceptions, and more emphasis on civil
obedience and patriotism. And, following Kymlicka and Norman (1994), a civic
republican conception of 'citizen' places intrinsic value on such participation. I
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come to the conclusion that there is minimal civic republican underpinning of
the Manifesto.
I now examine the five frameworks for understanding 'citizenship' as outlined
by Knight Abowitz and Harnish (2006:666-667), and which pose challenges to
the the dominant frameworks of liberal conceptions and civic republican
conceptions of 'citizenship'. I do so in order to attempt to gauge the extent to
which the Manifesto is sensitive to any of these conceptions of 'citizenship'.
The conceptions of 'citizenship' alluded to above are feminist, cultural,
reconstructionist, queer and transnational conceptions of 'citizenship'.
A scrutiny of the ten values and the sixteen educational strategies proposed in
the Manifesto reveal that the Manifesto, if not underpinned by the above five
conceptions of 'citizenship', at least shows a sensitivity to three of the five
conceptions of 'citizenship' under discussion.
The Manifesto shows some sensitivity towards feminist conceptions of
'citizenship' when it promotes the value 'non-racism and non-sexism'.
Feminist conceptions of 'citizenship', as stated above, is concerned that
'citizenship' is conceptualized within gendered and masculine frameworks of
thinking. In respect of non-sexism the Manifesto [DoE, 2001 (b)] states that
practising this value means that:
Girls at school attain equality with boys ... [and] that female
teachers and students are not the victims of sexual abuse or
harassment in schools, and that as female students they are not
discouraging from completing their schooling because of abuse,
harassment or pregnancy.
While showing some sensitivity to feminist concerns regarding conceptions of
'citizenship' it must be noted that the Manifesto articulates this sensitivity in
almost entirely negative terms - women and girls should not be the victims of
abuse, and female students must not be discouraged from completing school
because of the mentioned conditions. The twelfth educational strategy,
'freeing the potential of girls as well as boys' [DoE, 2001 (b):61- 64] shows a
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further sensitivity to feminist concerns in that it speaks to gender
discrimination and stereotyping, demands made on girls that make it
impossible to complete their schooling, the tendency of boys to dominate in
the classroom, and unequal access to schooling, especially in rural areas.
With regard to cultural conceptions of 'citizenship' it was stated above that
ethnic and language minorities and other cultural groups purchase citizenship
through assimilation. The Manifesto shows sensitivity to the concerns raised
by cultural conceptions of 'citizenship' when it puts forward the values 'ubuntu'
and 'multilingualism'. The value 'ubuntu' "embodies the concept of mutual
understanding and the active appreciation of the value of human difference"
[DoE, 2001 (b):16]. Thus, if 'ubuntu' is practised, and if difference is valued,
then cultural and ethnic minorities will not have to buy citizenship at the price
of assimilation. The eighth educational strategy of the Manifesto, 'making
multilingualism happen', draws attention to the Constitutional right of learners
to be taught in the language of their choice, that learners learn best in their
home language, but given that English is a global language, additive
bilingualism is advocated, since learners will learn in their home language
while becoming competent in a second one [DoE, 2001 (b): 46-47]. Thus, this
educational strategy is sensitive to language rights of persons.
A reconstructionist conception of 'citizenship "questions how active, critical
participation in democratic societies has been neglected in our
conceptualizations of 'citizenship'" (Knight Abowitz and Harnish, 2006:667).
The Manifesto shows sensitivity towards a concern such as this one when it
formulates its first educational strategy as that of 'nurturing a culture of
communication and participation in schools' [DoE, 2001 (b):23-26]. The
Manifesto refers to the school-based research conducted durin"g 2000, and
which culminated in the publication of Opening Pathways, where the main
conclusion reached was that dialogue is centrally important in promoting
democratic values in schools [DoE, 2001 (b):23-24]. The Manifesto states
[DoE, 2001 (b):24]:
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Nurturing a culture of communication and participation in
schools means opening up channels of dialogue between
parents and educators in such a way that mutual respect
develops between them, and that each side treats the other with
respect, realising that each has something to offer.
In this extract we can see that the Manifesto links communication and
participation in respect of parents and teachers with the value 'respect'.
Parents would include members of school governing bodies and 'educators'
would include principals and school management teams. Regarding
participation and communication in respect of learners, the Manifesto
acknowledges that teachers must be assisted in acquiring the kinds of skills,
for example listening skills, that will enable them to facilitate discussion in
their classrooms [DoE, 2001 (b):25]. The Manifesto thus envisages
communication and participation amongst all participants of school
communities. In this respect one can conclude that the Manifesto is sensitive
to reconstructionist conceptions of 'citizenship'.
The value 'equality' is the third of the values proposed by the Manifesto for
nurturing in schools. This value cuts across three of the five conceptions of
'citizenship' under discussion. The Manifesto [DoE, 2001 (b):14] states that
The Constitution is unequivocal on equality, stating that
'everyone is equal before the law' and may not be unfairly
discriminated against on the basis of 'race, gender, sex,
pregnancy, marital status, ethnic or social origin, colour, sexual
orientation, age, disability, religion, conscience, belief, culture,
language and birth.
The above extract shows that the value 'equality' indicates sensitivity on the
part of the Constitution, as well as on the part of the Manifesto which
necessarily underwrites the Constitution, to feminist, cultural and queer
conceptions of 'citizenship'.
Finally, there is no strong sensitivity on the part of the Manifesto to a
transnational conception of 'citizen'. Indeed it could be argued that the
sixteenth educational strategy, 'Nurturing the new patriotism, or affirming our
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common citizenship' [DoE, 2001 (b):76-78], may very well militate against a
transnational conception of 'citizen', especially if the new patriotism
degenerates into jingoism, which the Manifesto indeed warns against. A lack
of sensitivity on the part of the Manifesto to a transnational conception of
'citizen' constitutes a flaw on the part of the Manifesto. A transnational
conception of 'citizenship' addresses issues of insularity. National or regional
insularity is problematic in a globalised world. The issue of transnationalism is
addressed in Chapter Five, Section 5.2.1 where I draw attention to the idea of
developing a social consciousness as proposed in the Literature Review of
Opening Pathways. The argument there is that there is a tension between the
call to build a national identity and the call to develop a social consciousness
that transcends national and other boundaries. If the latter is not encouraged
then real transformation would not have taken place in South Africa, and
values of the apartheid era would still be guiding South Africans.
In this section I have examined various conceptions of 'citizen', and have
concluded that the Manifesto is underpinned by liberal and communitarian
conceptions of 'citizen' I have also indicated to what extent the Manifesto is
sensitive toward feminist, cultural, reconstructionist, queer, and transnational
conceptions of 'citizen'. In the next section I illuminate some conceptual
confusion on the part of the Manifesto in respect of the concept 'values'.
6.3.2 Conceptual confusions
The Manifesto does not offer a circumscription of what is to be understood by
the concept 'values'. Consequently, there are some conceptual unclarities
which lead to conceptual confusion in the Manifesto. Beckman and
Nieuwenhuis (2004:57) correctly point out that the 'nearest the Manifesto
comes to a circumscription of the concept 'values' is with reference to
Pityana's remark [DoE, 2001 (b):9] that "Values are more than desirable
characteristics. They are essential for life; the normative principles that ensure
ease of life lived in common". However, when Pityana says that values are
'more than desirable characteristics' this implies that values are 'desirable
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characteristics' (of persons), but they are also more than this. The mistake
Pityana is making is that he is conflating 'values' with 'personal
characteristics' or 'qualities of character'. In Chapter Four, Section 4.2.1 I
show that 'values' and 'qualities of character' are logically different concepts.
The point is that the Manifesto underwrites Pityana's statement, and therefore
is guilty of the same conceptual confusion.
The lack of a proper circumscription of 'values' leads the Manifesto to
conceptual confusion between 'values' and 'educational strategies'. Enslin
(2003:82) draws attention to a conceptual confusion in the Manifesto, where
the Manifesto proposes 'patriotism' as a strategy rather than as a value. The
Manifesto does indeed propose strategies to nurture the value 'patriotism'
[DoE, 2001 (b):76-78], but does not explicitly propose 'patriotism' as one of
the values to be nurtured in schools. The following educational strategies
proposed in the Manifesto are intended to foster patriotism [DoE, 2001 (b):50-
53, 76-78]: Strategy 9: "Using sport to shape social bonds and nurture nation-
building at schools" and Strategy 16: "Nurturing the new patriotism, or
affirming our common citizenship". Swartz (2002:7) is incorrect when she
declares that the final list of values of the Manifesto has "cleared up the
confusion between democratic values and educational strategies". The
omission of 'patriotism' as a value but the inclusion of strategies that promote
patriotism shows that the Manifesto does not have conceptual clarity in
respect of the concepts 'values' and 'educational strategies'. I take this point
further below.
In Chapter Two, Section 4.2.1 and following the SACOD (2008:1298) and
Blackburn (2008:377) I define 'values' as guiding principles for human actions.
A strategy, however, is a "plan designed to achieve a particular long-term aim
(SACOD, 2008:1160). However, certain strategies are plans to achieve short-
term aims such as the teaching strategies a teacher uses to enable her to
achieve certain lesson outcomes. In question here is not whether a strategy
is a long-term or short-term plan. What is at issue is the difference between a
value such as 'respect' and a teaching strategy such as 'posing questions'. It
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can be argued that strategies, whether long-term or short-term, also guide
actions. But there is a difference in the underpinning of 'guiding actions' in
respect of the value 'respect' and 'guiding actions' in respect of the teaching
strategy 'posing questions'. Posing questions is used as a strategy to achieve
a particular end. It may be a good strategy. I might even say: "Posing
questions is a valuable teaching strategy', but posing questions is not itself a
value. It has only instrumental value. It is used to achieve an end. Its value is
extrinsic. 'Respect', on the other hand, has intrinsic value. I try to be respectful
towards other persons because the value 'respect' guides my actions. If I only
appeared to show respect for others for instrumental reasons, for example
that I can enjoy personal gain, then I would not truly be respecting those
persons, and 'respect' would not be a guiding principle for me. I conclude that
the Manifesto is not clear about the concepts 'values' and 'educational
. strategies'.
In this section I have briefly indicated some conceptual confusions to be found
in the Manifesto, and have indicated that the Manifesto does not provide a
circumscription of the concept 'values'. In the next section I illuminate silences
in the Manifesto in respect of the values proposed for nurturing in schools.
6.3.3 Silences of the Manifesto
In the previous section I point out that the Manifesto does not circumscribe the
concept 'values'. That omission leads to conceptual confusion in respect of
understandings of 'values' and 'educational strategies'. The lack of a proper
attempt at circumscribing the concept 'values' leads to important issues about
which the Manifesto is silent, but about which it should be explicit. The
Manifesto is silent about the following issues: A proper discussion about what
constitutes the nature and purpose of schooling; Tensions that may arise
between individual and social values; and How civic competence, that is,
political literacy is to be achieved. In the remainder of this section I discuss
each of these issues.
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The Manifesto states explicitly that the values it proposes that must be
nurtured in schools are rooted in the Constitution [DoE, 2002 (b):11-12]. This
means that the Manifesto does not distinguish between types of values and it
does not distinguish between various broad goals and purposes of schooling.
Beckman and Nieuwenhuis (2004:61) make this point when they conclude
that the Manifesto does not properly analyse what the nature and purpose of
schooling is or should be.
In Chapter Four I develop a conceptual framework for thinking about values in
education. Following Christie (2008:212), who identifies three broad goals and
purposes for schooling, and correspondingly a threefold ethical framework for
the three broad goals and purposes, I identify a threefold set of values that
could serve as guiding principles for our practices in respect of the goals and
purposes and ethical aspirations in respect of schooling. This provides- a
conceptual framework for a discussion of values in education. I provide a
tabular summary below, which is a replication of Table 5:
Table 7: A conceptual framework for values in education
Broad goals and Ethical framework Values as guiding
purposes of schooling principles
Systematic teaching and An ethics of Epistemic values
learning commitment to
intellectual rigour
Active participation in An ethics of civility in Civic democratic values
the world building the conditions
for a democratic public
space
Individual development An ethics of care for Values of care
self, for others and for
the world we share
While these goals and purposes are separable, they must not be seen as
logically distinct from one another. There is interdependence amongst the
three goals and purposes of schooling. For example, active participation in the
world requires knowledge about the world, which, within the schooling system,
is acquired through systematic teaching and learning. But active participation
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in the world in the sense that Christie (2008) intends, and in the sense that it
is intended in this thesis, namely participation in the building of a democratic
public space, also requires individual development to enable a person to
consciously adopt the kind of values that open up the possibility for the
acquisition of those virtues that are required for active engagement in
democratic, civic minded practices.
However, through its emphasis on the nurturing of Constitutional values only,
the Manifesto focuses on only one of the goals and purposes of schooling,
namely 'active participation in the world'. Insufficient emphasis and focus is
placed on the goals of 'systematic teaching and learning' and 'individual
development'. Consequently insufficient emphasis and focus is placed on
epistemic values and values of care. I conclude that the Manifesto manifests a
silence in respect of epistemic values and values of care.
The issue of a silence, especially regarding values of care, leads to a
discussion of another silence on the part of the Manifesto. Enslin (2003:81-82)
refers to a "preoccupation" on the part of the Manifesto with the values of the
"public, democratic sphere" which has as consequence a "neglect of the
personal and private". The 'personal' and 'private' would, within the context of
this thesis, refer specifically to values of care, that is, care in respect of the
self, others and for the world. Green [2004 (a):255], referring to Enslin's
(2003) observation about the neglect of the personal and private, says that it
might be more accurate to say that the Manifesto implies the personal and the
private but says little about how they are to be nurtured, and continues that
the Manifesto "fails to recognize the complexity of what is being proposed".
Part of the 'complexity' to which Green [2004 (a):255] refers, pertains to the
controversial nature of values education in schools. Green (2004: 109) points
out that, on the one hand values clarification has been criticised for promoting
relativism and secularism - values clarification is not tied to a particular
religion or religious orientation and may consequently be seen to result in the
epistemologically unsound position where "anything goes" - and on the other
hand moral education has been criticised for being indoctrinatory. A further
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complexity may be said to pertain to a silence on the part of the Manifesto of a
distinction between individual values and social (or Constitutional) values, and
concomitantly a silence on possible tensions that may arise between these
sets of values. Green (2004: 109) articulates a silence on the part of the
Manifesto in respect of tensions that may arise between sets of values, as
follows:
In the Manifesto on Values, Education and Democracy ... it is
stated that there is 'no intention to impose values', excepting
that of discussion and debate. Nevertheless the education
system is to actively promote 'equity, tolerance, multilingualism,
openness, accountability and social honour'. The [Manifesto]
does not seem to acknowledge the tensions that may arise
between values, or between individual and social values.
The distinction between 'individual' and 'social' or Constitutional values, and
the complexity of mediating between the two sets of values as articulated in
the extract above is in synergy with the writing of du Preez and Roux (2010)
when they articulate a distinction between 'emancipatory, human rights
values' (Constitutional values) on the one hand, and 'cultural values'
(individual values) on the other hand. The authors conclude that the process
of mediating between emancipatory, human rights values and cultural values
must involve 'profound dialogue' (du Preez and Roux, 2010:24).
This point about 'dialogue' draws attention to another of the silences inherent
in the Manifesto, namely, what processes and procedures must be followed in
order to nurture the values of the Constitution in schools. The Manifesto
represents, as Waghid (2004:106) puts it, one of two Tirisano moments of
citizenship education". It provides sixteen educational strategies for the
nurturing of Constitutional values in schools. However, these 'strategies'
remain vague and at the level of rhetoric, and do not provide practical
guidelines for schools. The focus of citizenship education is on what Christie
(2008:212) refers to as 'active participation in the world', that is, the focus is
on preparing young persons to contribute to the shared good of a democratic
society. This is a political project. However, the Manifesto does not, in words
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of Enslin (2003:82), include a strategy to promote 'political literacy'. 'Political
literacy' involves understanding what a democracy entails, and living the
values that sustain a democracy. However, human beings are not naturally
endowed with either that kind of understanding, nor are human beings
naturally endowed with the capacity for living the kind of values that sustain a
democracy. Enslin et al (2001: 115) state this in a clear manner: "For
democracies to thrive, citizens have to be taught to be democrats". This
statement begs the question: how do we teach persons to become
democrats?
Enslin et al (2001) and Waghid [2004 (a)] provide greater clarity about how
the values of the Constitution may be nurtured than does the Manifesto. Both
these sets of authors propose the concept of 'deliberation' as a way to teach
persons to become participants in a democratic society, Waghid is concerned
specifically with the six values of the Values Report, but the following pertains
equally to the Manifesto [Waghid, 2004 (a):278]:
Deliberative democracy involves open, uncoerced deliberation
on the educational (political) issues at stake with the aim of
arriving at rationally agreed upon judgements. ... Notions of
rationality, consensus, persuasion through the 'better argument'
and culturally or socially embedded deliberation constitute the
discourse of deliberative democracy.
Thus, deliberation involves the suspension of self or factional interests. It will
try to reach positions of consensus through rational argumentation. This
requires that participants in deliberation propose the best arguments possible.
It also requires that participants are motivated by honesty in order to be able
to concede when one argument is superior to another.
The key goal of citizenship education should be to teach young persons how
to engage in deliberation. Deliberation involves skills, such as the construction
of sound, well-motivated arguments. However, it also requires particular
dispositions, for example the honesty to accept than another argument is
better than the one proposed by oneself. It also presupposes the willingness
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to listen to the points of view of others. Enslin et al (2001 :116) propose that
persons must be taught qualities of democratic citizenship which include the
ability to construct sound, written as well as oral, arguments, as well as skills
of cooperation in respect of appreciating different perspectives and
experiences.
One of the responsibilities of teachers is thus to teach learners democratic
values and dispositions, and to live these dispositions themselves.
Classrooms and schools should, in ways that are appropriate to schooling,
model democratic communities, and teacher training institutions should
prepare teachers to fulfil their role of teachers of democratic values and
dispositions.
Thus, Enslin et al (2001) and Waghid [2004 (a)] indicate. how learners can be
taught the skills of political literacy, or put differently, skills of good citizenship.
However, Waghid [2004 (a)] introduces another dimension which links with
the discussion above about a silence on the part of the Manifesto in respect of
values of care when he makes a connection between compassion, citizenship
and education, and indicates that, while it is essential to learn skills of good
citizenship, it is also necessary to live with compassion for others [Waghid,
2004 (b):534]. Skills of political literacy or good citizenship can, therefore, be
enhanced if teachers simultaneously focus on values of care, such as the
value 'compassion', and if teachers can focus specifically on caring for others,
6.4 Concluding remarks
In this Chapter I have provided an account of background events to the
formulation of the Manifesto. However, the focus of this chapter is an
examination of the grammar of the Manifesto. This examination shows that
the Manifesto is underpinned by liberal as well as communitarian conceptions
of 'citizenship', and that the Manifesto is sensitive towards alternative
conceptions of 'citizenship', namely feminist, cultural, reconstructionist and
queer conceptions of 'citizenship'. An examination of the grammar of the
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Manifesto further reveals that there are some conceptual confusions in
respect of the concepts 'values' and 'educational strategies'. Finally, an
examination of its grammar reveals that the Manifesto is silent in respect of
the goals and purposes of schooling, and consequently it is silent in respect of
epistemie values and values of care. The Manifesto is also silent on possible
tensions that might arise between Constitutional and cultural values, as well
as on processes and procedures that could be followed in order to nurture the
values of the Constitution.
In the next Chapter I examine a final moment, in respect of this study, in the
DoE conversations about values in education when I examine the research
report entitled Values and Human Rights in Education. Baseline study of a
sample of schools in Mpumalanga and Western Cape (Baseline Report).
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CHAPTER SEVEN
THE BASELINE REPORT
7.1 Introduction
In this chapter the investigation of the grammar of DoE conversations about
values in education focuses on a research report referred to in this study as
the Baseline Report. The research was commissioned by the DoE and was
carried out during 2004 under the auspices of the Centre for Community
Development (CCD), previously from Vista University, and culminated in the
research report entitled Values and Human Rights in Education. Baseline
Study of a Sample of Schools in Mpumalanga and Western Cape (the
Baseline Report) (DoE, 2004:6).
This chapter contributes significantly to a response to my main research
question, namely: What are salient features of DoE conversations about
values in education in South Africa from 2000 to 2005? It does so by way of a
response to the second of my subsidiary research questions, namely, What is
the grammar of DoE conversations about values in education from 2000 to
2005? In order to respond to this latter subsidiary research question it is
imperative to uncover the assumptions that underpin the Baseline Report in
respect of its conceptions of the goals and purposes of schooling; to establish
to what extent there is conceptual clarity in the Baseline Report; to guage the
extent of continuity between this moment in the DoE conversations about
values in education and prior moments in that conversation; and to uncover
what meanings are assigned in the Baseline Report to value concepts. An
uncovering of the grammar of the Baseline Report proceeds by way of an
examination of, firstly, its review of relevant literature, secondly, its research
methodology, and thirdly, its recommendations. In addition I draw attention to
the significance of the Baseline Report in respect of nurturing a culture of
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values and human rights. However, I firstly outline the structure of the
Baseline Report in order to contextualize my critique thereof.
The Baseline Report comprises an executive summary, four chapters, a
bibliography, and an annexure that provides a copy of one of the data
gathering instrument that was used, namely, an interview schedule. Two other
data gathering instruments are mentioned (DoE, 2004:17), an observation
schedule and schools' policy documents, but these are not included in an
annexure. The four chapters comprise the following: Chapter 1: Background
to and overview of the study; Chapter 2: Mpumalanga Provincial Report;
Chapter 3: Western Cape Provincial Report; and Chapter 4: Summary,
Discussion and Recommendations. Chapters 2 and 3 are summaries of the
two site reports of the research carried out in Mpumalanga and the Western
Cape. In my discussion of the Baseline Report I draw upon all the sections of
the report, including the site reports. In Section 7.2 below I investigate the
grammar of the Baseline Report.
7.2 The grammar of the Baseline Report
I begin this section with an investigation of the grammar of the Baseline
Report in respect of its review of relevant literature. In the two sections
thereafter I investigate the grammar of the Baseline Report in respect of its
research methodology and in respect of its recommendations.
7.2.1 The grammar of the Baseline Report in respect of its review of
relevant literature
The Baseline Report does not have a section entitled 'Literature Review'. This
constitutes a weakness in the Baseline Report since there is no theoretical
and/or conceptual framework, normally provided in a literature review. The
implication of this is that the Baseline Report does not have a theoretical or
conceptual basis. The baseline study was commissioned by the DoE as part
of the strategy to promote values and human rights in education, and the
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Baseline Report provides data collected from 30 schools in Mpumalanga and
in the Western Cape during August 2004 (DoE, 2004:6). The study was
conducted in the wake of policy driven changes in education. Despite policy
changes, "concerns are still raised about the need to take specific actions to
promote democratic values and human rights in the curriculum" (DoE,
2004:12-13). This statement underscores the view that there is often a
disjunction between policy and its implementation. The school-based research
of 2000 and documented in Opening Pathways (see Chapter Five) presents
an example of such a disjunction between policy and practice; for example, it
is evident from Opening Pathways that, despite policy and legislation
regarding the inadmissibility of corporal punishment, in many schools the
latter has not yet been replaced by other forms of creating discipline, and that
many teachers wish to see a return of corporal punishment as a permissible
form of discipline [DoE, 2002 (b):2].
The Baseline Report refers to the "historical imperative" to build a democratic
society, and draws attention to the role of the school in values formation (DoE,
2004: 13) when it states that "At school level, the challenge includes the
development of a culture of democratic practices and the promotion of values
of democracy and human rights". This view resonates with the example I refer
to above from the school-based research undertaken during 2000. Within a
'culture of democratic practice' there is no place for corporal punishment and
other forms of violence.
Referring to Davidoff and Lazarus (2002) and Moloi (2002) with reference to
appropriate strategies for seeding democratic values in schools, the Baseline
Report draws the following conclusion (DoE, 2004:13-14):
A more inclusive strategy to promote the inculcation of
democratic values and practices in schools need to be explored.
Such are the strategies of whole school development, which are
more comprehensive, looking at the needs for change in
systemic and contextual ways.
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This means that each particular school functions as a unique system within its
particular context, and that the baseline research was tasked with providing
such systemic and contextual information. The need for this baseline study,
thus was to obtain a broader understanding of the then current practices
relevant to values and human rights, in a selection of schools, with a view to
addressing challenges related to the development of a culture of democratic
practices in schools. In the process the school would be approached
holistically. The development of 'a culture of democratic practice' cannot be
relegated to selected spheres of school life only. A 'culture of democratic
practice' in schools necessarily permeates all aspects of school life - from
classroom management to whole school management. It is therefore a matter
of holistic development of the school. The Baseline Report alludes to this
when it identifies (DoE, 2004:13) strategies of whole school development as
being more inclusive strategies than strategies of processes of deliberation,
confronting resistance, fostering virtues, and anti-racist and anti-sexist
education which have been offered by various theorists in education.
A weakness of the Baseline Report is its meagre engagement with relevant
literature in respect of the notion of 'whole school' and 'whole school
development', and its absence of a literature review section. The Baseline
Report could have strengthened its theoretical and/or conceptual frameworks
by developing a substantial review of the relevant literature. It does not
explicate the concept that is fundamental to the research, namely 'whole
school development', neither does it engage with the concepts 'deliberation',
'confronting resistance', 'fostering virtues', and 'anti-racism and anti-sexism'.
Instead, it simply asserts, without offering any argument, or providing reasons,
that the above mentioned strategies are not sufficiently inclusive to promote
the fostering of democratic values.
In the remainder of this section I articulate a conception of 'whole school'. This
is necessary in so far as the Baseline Report does not engage with the
concept 'whole school' apart from merely mentioning it. An articulation of the
concept 'whole school' thus illuminates silences in the Baseline Report in
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respect not only of its review of the literature, but also in respect of its
research methodology and recommendations.
Davidoff and Lazarus (1997:_5) propound a holistic approach to understanding
schools and classroom practices and in so doing provide the beginnings of an
insight into what constitutes 'whole school':
In looking at classroom practice and experience as the centre-
stage of school life, we need to look at the whole school - that is,
all the aspects of school life which intersect with the classroom.
But the whole school is more than all of its aspects or pieces -
more than the sum of staff, students, parents, buildings and the
broader community. It is the way in which these different
aspects of school life interweave and interact, the way in which
they are bound together, the way they become coherent in
relation to one another.
Davidoff and Lazarus therefore emphasise the need for coherence amongst
the various constituents of school and classroom life. It falls outside the brief
of this section to point to ways in which such coherence can be achieved.
However it is firmly within the brief of this section to gain greater clarity about
what the 'aspects of school life' are that Davidoff and Lazarus refer to above.
The Learning Schools Initiative of GM South Africa Foundation - Pioneering
Models for Community Development (2006) provides such clarity. It states its
primary objective as setting out to facilitate the transformation of schools into
centres of quality teaching and learning and, at the time was working with six
pilot schools in a process of whole school development and evaluation (GM
South Africa Foundation, 2006: 1).
The primary objective of the Learning Schools Initiative - transformation of
schools into centres of quality teaching and learning while recognising that
this can be achieved through whole school development - is in line with the
National Policy on Whole School Evaluation [DoE, 2001 (e):iii] whose
overarching aim is captured by words of the then Minister of Education,
Professor Asmal, when he states in the foreword that:
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Assuring quality of the education system is the overriding goal of
the Ministry of Education. ... Recognising the importance of
schools as the place in which the quality of education is
ultimately determined, focus is primarily on the school as a
whole rather than simply on individuals and their performance.
Whole school evaluation implies whole school development. The National
Policy on Whole School Evaluation [DoE, 2001 (e):5] identifies the following
nine areas of evaluation, and, per implication, development, namely Basic
functionality of the school; Leadership, management and communication;
Governance and relationships; Quality of teaching and learning, and educator
development; Curriculum provision and resources; Learner achievement;
School safety, security and discipline; School infrastructure; and Parents and
the community. The DoE thus identifies the above mentioned nine areas for
development and evaluation as constituting 'whole school'. In line with the
identification of these nine constituent elements (jf the whole school, -GM
South Africa Foundation (2006:1) provides a diagram that places in
perspective the nine areas for evaluation that must be developed, that is, the
nine constitutive elements of 'whole school':
Figure 1: Constitutive elements of the whole school
Figure 1 indicates that learner achievements constitute the overarching area
of development in the Learning Schools model of whole school development.
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Learner achievements go beyond success in subject matter knowledge (GMS
South Africa Foundation (2006: 1):
Central to the Learning Schools Initiative is the improvement of
learner achievement. Thus, whatever interventions are made
the schools should ultimately contribute towards equipping
learners not only to performing well in national assessments, but
also to pursue their chosen careers competently, to manage
themselves knowledgeably and successfully and to contribute
meaningfully towards South African Society.
At this point one can discern connections between the concept 'whole school'
and the conceptual framework for understanding values in education that I
developed in Chapter Four of this thesis. I repeat a tabular presentation of
that conceptual framework that illuminates the ethical framework and the
values that guide broad goals and purposes of schooling in order to facilitate
an illumination of the connections between the concept 'whole school' and
the mentioned conceptual framework.
Table 8: Goals and purposes of schooling - an ethical framework and
guiding principles
Broad goals and Ethical framework Values as guiding
purposes of principles
schooling
Systematic teaching An ethics of commitment Epistemic values
and learning to intellectual rigour
Active participation in An ethics of civility in Civic democratic
the world building the conditions for values
a democratic public
space
Individual development An ethics of care for self, Values of care
for others and for the
world we share
In order to illuminate the connections between the concept 'whole school' and
the conceptual framework developed in Chapter Four, I refer to Figure 1 and
to Table 8 above. In Figure 1, the constitutive elements of 'whole school' are
identified. Three of these constitutive elements of the whole school emerge as
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relating directly to the broad goals and purposes of schooling. The constitutive
areas in question are (i) 'learner achievements', (ii) 'teaching and learning,
and educator development' and (iii) 'curriculum provisions and resources'. The
broad goals and purposes of schooling as identified above are 'systematic
teaching and learning', 'active participation in the world', and 'individual
development'. Two of the constitutive elements of the whole school, namely
'teaching and learning, and educator development' and 'curriculum provisions
and resources' provide the opportunity for engagement with 'systematic
teaching and learning'. The overarching constitutive element 'learner
achievements' relates to the broad goals of 'active participation in the world'
and 'individual development' in so far as 'learner achievements' refers to the
ability of learners to "pursue their careers competently, to manage themselves
knowledgeably and successfully and to contribute meaningfully towards South
African society" (GM South Africa, 2006: 1). 'Active participation in the world' is
framed by an ethics of civility in building the conditions for a democratic public
space and this relates to the nurturing of democratic values without which a
meaningful contribution cannot be made to South African society. 'Individual
development' is framed by an ethics of care for self, for others and for the
world we share and this relates to the nurturing of values of care.
If values of care are nurtured this has an impact on the broad goals and
purposes of schooling, namely systematic teaching and learning and active
participation in the world, and in the following ways. If values of care are
extended to systematic teaching and learning, then this strengthens the
project of systematic teaching and learning; caring about systematic teaching
and learning places intrinsic value on that project and can contribute to its
flourishing. If values of care are extended to active participation in the world,
we find that values such as ubuntu and compassion have a bearing on how
persons relate to, as referred to in Section 6.3.3, the 'other'. Values of care
can strengthen and deepen one's engagement with democratic values if
values such as ubuntu and compassion guide actions.
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An explication of the concept 'whole school' places in perspective the broad
goals and purposes of schooling. The broad goals and purposes of schooling
can be realised only within the context of coherence between the constituent
elements of the whole school, bearing in mind that the basic functionality of a
school is a prerequisite for whole school coherence and functionality - see
Figure 1 above. A consideration of the broad goals and purposes of schooling
within the context of the whole school additionally provides the opportunity to
forefront values as principles that guide the broad goals and purposes of
schooling, namely epistemic values, democratic values and values of care.
The weakness of its engagement with the literature on the part of the Baseline
Report is that no indication is given in respect of what 'whole school' entails.
The Baseline Report (DoE, 2004:13) refers to the need for "A more inclusive
strategy to promote the inculcation of democratic values and practices in
schools" but it does not place the notion of 'democratic values' within the
context of a notion of broad goals and purposes of schooling, and
concomitant guiding principles, with the result that the Baseline Report is
silent about the goals of systematic teaching and learning and individual
development, and the concomitant guiding principles or values, namely
epistemic values and values of care. The result of this silence is that the
Baseline Report, as a specific moment in DoE conversations about values in
education, like previous moments of DoE conversations as articulated in the
Values Report, Opening Pathways and the Manifesto (as discussed in
Chapters Four, Five and Six), forefronts one of the broad goals and purposes
of schooling, namely 'active participation in the world', at the expense of the
two other broad goals and purposes of schooling as identified in this thesis,
namely 'systematic teaching and learning' and 'individual development'. The
Bseline Report therefore fails to reflect a holistic picture of the schooling
project.
By way of concluding this section, it may be said that the Baseline Report
does not place the fostering of democratic values within the context of
simultaneously fostering epistemic values and values of care. This is a major
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weakness since one cannot promote a culture of human rights and values in a
vacuum. I now turn to Section 7.2.2 where I critique the grammar of the
research methodology of the Baseline Report.
7.2.2 The grammar of the research methodology of the Baseline Report
A critique of the grammar of the methodology of the research as articulated in
the Baseline Report is the focus of this section. However, it is necessary,
firstly, to gain a clear sense of the methodology used in the research.
Therefore I now indicate what methodological paradigm was used in the
baseline study, and what the metatheoretical approach and the research
design entailed. I outline the research brief, the goal of the study, the purpose
of the study and terms of reference of the study, then list the research
questions. I finally describe the interview schedule as research instrument,
and the sampling and data collection processes. In the process of outlining
the above mentioned aspects of the study, I attempt to establish the level of
coherence between the research brief, the goal, the purpose, the terms of
reference, the research questions and the research instruments. The purpose
of this exercise is to determine whether there is internal coherence between
the above mentioned aspects of the baseline research. I illustrate that there is
indeed internal coherence between the research brief, goal and purpose of
the baseline study, its terms of reference, the research questions and
research method, specifically the interview schedule as research instrument. I
had no access to the other two research instruments, namely the observation
schedule and schools' policy statements.
The usefulness of this finding is that, in an investigation of the grammar of this
aspect of the Baseline Report, namely its research methodology, i need to
focus on only the interview schedule as research instrument used in the
baseline study, since it is coherent with the research brief, the goals and
purpose of the study, its terms of reference, and with the research questions.
In other words, the research instrument 'contains' within itself all the above-
mentioned aspects of the study.
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I now discuss various aspects of the Baseline Report as indicated above and
start by identifying the methodological paradigm, the metatheoretical
approach and the research design. The methodological paradigm is a
qualitative one. The report provides some justification in this regard (DoE,
2004:15), draws on Bogdan and Biklen (1992), Sherman and Webb (1998)
and Patton (1987), and indicates that a qualitative paradigm allows for the
description of a social phenomenon (in this case educational practice) as it
interacts with new policy. Additionally, a qualitative paradigm makes it
possible for the researcher to move beyond mere descriptions to an
uncovering of the ways in which persons make sense of their world. When
new programmes must be evaluated (in this case perceptions and practices in
respect of values and human rights in education) a qualitative paradigm
uncovers persons' understanding of and attitudes towards such programmes
.in ways that are sensitive to specific socio-historic contexts. The choice of a
qualitative research paradigm is, in the case of the purpose of the Baseline
Study, an appropriate one since a maximally quantitative paradigm cannot
accommodate the richness of data in respect of persons' interpretations and
understanding of phenomena that the researchers in the baseline research
project aimed to uncover.
While this is not stated explicitly, it is clear that the metatheoretical approach
is an interpretive one. The researchers are attempting to understand and
explain aspects of school life as indicated by the terms of reference and the
research questions (see below) with a view to drawing conclusions about the
situation being researched and making recommendations for improving
practice.
Ttie Baseline 'Report does not specify what its research design is, but does
provide clear and detailed information about the research sites and subjects,
about the research instruments, and about the data collection processes
(DoE, 2004:16-18). The research was carried out in 15 schools in
Mpumalanga and 15 schools in the Western Cape during August 2004. An
interview schedule was developed and interviews were conducted with
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principals, with members of school management teams and with teachers. An
observation schedule was also developed and was used to observe to what
extent the teaching and learning reflected the changes that had taken place in
South Africa since 1994, and whether the associated values were present
there. Apart from completing interview and observation schedules researchers
also analysed school policy documents. Thus, data was collected via three
instruments.
The above seems to indicate that the research design can be characterised
as a case study or a series of case studies of a selection of schools in two
provinces. 8abbie and Mouton (2006:281) characterize a case study as an
intensive investigation of a single unit. However, because the research was
carried out in 15 schools in each of two provinces, the research design may
be characterised as a multiple or collective .case study. Leedy and Ormrod
(2005:135) identify 'case study' and 'multiple or collective case study' as
follows:
In a case study, a particular individual, programme, or event is
studied in depth for a defined period of time. ... Sometimes
researchers focus on a single case, perhaps its unique or
exceptional qualities can promote understanding or inform
practice for similar situations. In other instances, researchers
study two or more cases ... to make comparisons, build theory
or propose generalisations; such an approach is called a
multiple or collective case study.
While the baseline study did not focus on a single case, in this instance a
single school, the study was certainly intended to "inform practice for similar
situations" in so far as it attempted to obtain information regarding perceptions
and practices in respect of values and human. rights, and. in so far as such
information could inform whole school development. The baseline study can
be characterised as a multiple or collective case study in so far as more than
one school was the subject of study. The baseline study also exhibits some of
the features of a multiple or collective case study mentioned in the extract
above, namely "to make comparisons" and "propose generalisations". It was
inevitable that there would be a comparison across the 30 schools of
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perceptions and practices in respect of values and human rights. The
information gathered during the baseline study was also used to make some
measure of generalisation regarding perceptions and practices in respect of
values and human rights in South African schools. I return to these instances
of 'comparisons' and 'generalisation' in Section 7.2.3 below when I examine
the grammar of conclusions arrived at by the Baseline Report, and
recommendations made.
While the research was not prolonged, the interrogation into values and
human rights at the schools in question was quite intensive. It must also be
borne in mind that this was a baseline study to obtain information about
specific policies and practices at a specific time, and carried out with a view to
informing policy regarding whole school development for the nurturing of
values and human rights in schools.
I now examine the research brief, the goals and purpose of the research, its
terms of reference, list the research questions, and describe one of its
research instruments. In the process I attempt to establish the measure of
internal coherence in respect of the different aspects mentioned above. The
report identifies its 'specific brief' as follows (DoE, 2004:14):
To conduct a baseline study as part of the DoE's whole school
development programme, in 15 schools each of the provinces of
Mpumalanga and the Western Cape.
The brief of the baseline study was to find out what the status quo was in
respect of the fostering of democratic values in 15 schools in Mpumalanga
and the Western Cape, as becomes evident from the purpose of the baseline
study which is (DoE, November 2004: 15) "to describe the policies and
practices in a sample of schools with regard to values and human rights". In
the remainder of this section I refer to the purpose of the study, with the
understanding that the purpose of the study incorporates its specific brief.
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The Baseline Report distinguishes between the purpose of the study and the
goal of the study. It would appear that by distinguishing between 'goal' and
'purpose' the study focuses attention on a distinction between short-term
activities, the goal of the study, and longer term activities, the purpose of the
study. The baseline study has, in fact, a two-fold purpose which I outline
immediately after I state the goal of the study. The following spells out clearly
the goal of the baseline study (DoE, 2004:14):
The goal is to collect relevant baseline information in each
school as a basis for a process of whole school development
that intends to promote a culture of human rights and values.
Apart from using the baseline for purposes of whole school
development, the Department of Education intends using the
baseline data for the purposes of the Values and Human Rights
in the Curriculum materials project.
From the above it is clear that the data to be collected during the course of the
baseline research would serve a longer term two-fold purpose. On the one
hand the data would be used for whole school development in respect of the
nurturing of a culture of values and human rights in schools. On the other
hand, the data would be used for the development of teaching and learning
materials to facilitate teaching in values and human rights. In this section I
focus on the baseline research in respect of the research process, its findings
and recommendations with a view to uncovering the grammar of the Baseline
Report. An analysis of the materials development project referred to in the
quotation above falls outside the scope of this chapter and of this thesis.
The goal of the baseline study is of necessity related to the terms of reference
provided by the DoE. The Baseline Report sums up the six broad categories
that comprise the terms of reference in respect of which relevant information
must be collected, as follows (DoE, 2004: 15): 1) School context and levels of
integration; 2) School policies and practices; 3) Race, gender, language and
special education policies and practices; 4) Stake-holder involvement and
relations; 5) Extra-curricular activities relevant to values and human rights;
and 6) Management culture in schools. In the remainder of this section I refer
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to the terms of reference of the study, with the understanding that the terms of
reference determine the goal of the study.
The following research questions (not numbered in the research report but
assigned a letter of the alphabet here for ease of cross reference below in
Table 9) were formulated to guide the data collection process (DoE, 2004:16):
a) What policies do schools have in place with regard to the promotion of
values and human rights in the curriculum? b) What are the school
organizational arrangements and procedures to promote values and human
rights in the curriculum? c) What are the current curriculum practices with
regard to values and human rights in the curriculum? d) How do school
biographical variables influence the implementation of values and human
rights policies?
The question that arises is: To what extent do the research questions cohere
with the terms of reference? A comparison of the terms of reference with the
research questions shows a complete correlation between the two. All the
elements of the terms of reference are incorporated in the set of four research
questions. The table below indicates how the four research questions
incorporate the terms of reference. The left hand column lists the research
questions while the right hand column indicates which of the elements of the
brief are supported by the various research questions. In the left hand column
the number of each of the terms of reference corresponds with the number
assigned in the paragraph about terms of reference above.
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Table 9: Research questions and terms of reference of the
baseline study
Research questions Elements of the terms of reference
A. What policies do schools have in 2. School policies and practices
place with regard to the promotion of 3. Race, gender, language and special
values and human rights in the education policies
curriculum?
B. What are the school organizational 4. Stakeholder involvement and relations
arrangements and procedures to 6. Management culture in schools
promote values and human rights in
the curriculum?
C. What are the current curriculum 3. Race, gender, language and special
practices with regard to values and education practices
human rights in the curriculum? 5. Extra-curricular activites relevant to
values and human rights
D. How do school biographical 1. School context and levels of integration
variables influence the - in terms of composition regarding
implementation of values and race, gender and disability; access to
human rights policies? schools; school facilities and usage;
school safety
I next investigate what measure of coherence there is between the research
questions and the research instruments, and between the terms of reference
and the research instruments. Before I illuminate the level of coherence
between the terms of reference, research questions and research
instruments, I need to clarify some points about the research instruments. The
research instruments included an interview schedule, an observation
schedule and school policy documents. The interview schedule appears as an
appendix to the Baseline Report, but neither the observation schedule nor
copies of school policy documents were included as appendices.
The Baseline Report explains why interviews were preferred over the
completion of questionnaires (DoE, 2004:18):
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The preference for interviews rather than questionnaires was
informed by the fact that interviews allowed for additional probes
and mutual sharing of experiences that enabled researchers to
learn more about respondents' understanding and/or attitudes
towards the issues being discussed (Neumann, 200:37).
Interviews took the form of focus group interviews because
these allow researchers also to observe interactions and
relations between respondents that would not have been
possible in one-on-one interviews.
The quotation above vindicates my contention that the metatheoretical
approach that was adopted in this study is an interpretive one. The
researchers wanted to arrive at an in-depth understanding of respondents'
understandings of and attitudes towards the issues raised during interviews.
Even with open ended questions in a questionnaire, the data that is obtained
cannot reflect nuances of feeling as expressed in facial expressions, gestures,
and other observable phenomena that .can be accessed only through face to
face discussions or interviews.
The interview schedule comprised five sections, as follows (DoE, 2004:69-
76): A) Biographical information; B) School policies; C) School structures; D)
School practices; and E) Capacity building and training, with information to be
given, and questions and/or explanations required spread over the five
sections. In respect of the issue of coherence between research questions
and research instruments, I have found that there is an exact match between
the research questions and the questions provided in the interview schedule.
Table 10 below shows how the questions on the interview schedule
incorporate the research questions.
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Table 10: Interview schedule and research questions of the baseline
Study
Interview schedule Research
questions
B. School policies relevant to values and human rights in the a. What policies
Curriculum. Please explain the policies of your school in do schools
terms of how they foster and help OR hinder values and have in place
human rights issues. with regard to
a. Admission; b. Language; c. HIV/Aids; d. Religion; the promotion
e. Discipline; f. lnclusivity; g. Handling issues of of values and
discrimination [race, gender]; and h. Observing national human rights in
days. the curriculum?
C. School structures and values and human rights. What b. What are the
structures [committees, positions, forums] have been put in school's
place in your school to implement these policies and how organizational
do these structures help or hinder values and human arrangements
rights in your school? and procedures
a. Admlssionb. Language; c. HIV/Aids; d. Religion; to promote
e. Discipline; f. Inclusivity; g. Handling issues of values and
discrimination [race, gender]; and h. Observing national human rights in
days. the curriculum?
D. Practices promoting values and human rights in the c. What are the
curriculum. current
1. What do teachers do in practice in their classrooms to teach curriculum
values and human rights? practices with
2. What resources and materials do you/your teachers have regard to
access to for the effective teaching of values and human values and
rights in the classroom? human rights in
3. Have there been any incidents of race/gender/other the curriculum?
discrimination in your school?
Please indicate if you have, and describe the incident, and
explain how you handled the incident.
a. Admission; b. Language; c. HIV/Aids; d. Religion;
e. Discipline; f. lnclusivity; g. Handling issues of discrimination
[race, gender]; and h. Observing national days.
4. What progress has been made in regard to race and
gender relations in your school?
5. How are parents _andthe community involved in promoting
human rights?
6. How have values and human rights been addressed
through extra-curricular activities?
7. What if any are the major discipline problems in your
school? And to what do you attribute these problems.
8. How do you see the way forward for the development of
values and human rights in your school?
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E. Training/capacity building.
What capacity building in the area of values and human
rights have you/your school received over the last three
years? [teachers, parents, community members]
*What training; *Who provided the support/training?
*Who was the target group? *In your opinion, what
intervention was the most effective, and why?
6. Apart from policies, structures, practices and training, is
there anything else that you are doing at your school that
help to foster values and human rights practices at your
school?
A. Biographical information [only from Principal/SMT]. d. How do school
1-3. Name of school, date established, district. biographical
4. Who was the original target community of the school? variables
5. Has the target community changed in terms of profile influence the
and number? If so, when and how? implementation
6. What were some of the factors influencing the changes? of values and
List some of the key challenges emanating from those human rights
changes. policies?
18. Language medium of teaching: English, Afrikaans,
Sotho/Tswana, Zulu, Xhosa, other?
19. What is the medium of instruction: single, dual, parallel?
20. What indigenous languages are offered in your school?
23. Do you have learners with special needs that need to
be accommodated/ assisted in particular ways? If so,
how many? Please mention the categories of special
needs.
Thus far I have shown that there is complete correlation between the terms of
reference on the one hand and the research questions on the other hand. I
have also shown that there is complete correlation between the research
questions and the interview schedule. I conclude that the interview schedule
reflects the terms of reference as well as the research questions, and below
where I uncover the grammar of the Baseline Report, I refer only to the
interview schedule.
In order to provide a more comprehensive picture of the baseline study I
briefly outline the sampling process as well as the data gathering process.
While these two aspects of the baseline research are not essential in respect
of the main thrust of this section, which is to uncover the grammar of the
Baseline Report, they nevertheless provide a necessary context that frames
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the discussions in this chapter. I therefore now turn briefly to the sampling and
data gathering processes of the baseline study.
Fifteen schools in Mpumalanga and fifteen schools in the Western Cape were
involved in the baseline study. The distribution of primary and high schools
was as follows and included urban, rural and peri-urban schools; single and
parallel medium schools; ex-Model C and primarily black settlement schools;
and primary, secondary and combined schools (DoE, 2004: 16-17):
Table 11: Participating schools of the baseline study
Mpumalanga Western Cape
Primary schools 7 8
High schools 7 7
Combined schools 1 o
Participating schools were identified jointly by DoE and provincial or local
officials (DoE, 2004:16). The interview schedule identifies school principals,
members of the school management team, and teachers as interviewees
(DoE, 2004:69). The Baseline Report states explicitly that neither members of
School Governing Bodies (SGBs) nor learners were involved in the data
gathering process. The former were not available during the day and in
respect of the latter, permission had not been obtained from parents to
conduct interviews with the children (DoE, 2004:16). The fact that members of
SGBs and learners were not interviewed is regarded as one of the limitations
of the research. Members of SGBs would include parents, and parents' and
learners' perceptions and practices of values and human rights would have
greatly expanded and strengthened the data of the Baseline Report given the
important positions occupied by these two sectors as members of school
communities.
While there is complete coherence between the research brief, goals and
purpose of the baseline study and its interview schedule, there is a significant
omission in the research brief that works all the way through to the data
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gathering instrument, namely the interview schedule. What the research brief
neglects is a requirement for an investigation into one of the broad goals and
purposes of schooling, namely systematic teaching and learning. The
research brief, and consequently the interview schedule, do not make
provision for enquiring about the extent to which systematic teaching and
learning, not only in respect of the nurturing of democratic values, but in
respect of the curriculum as such, was happening. The research brief, and
consequently also the interview schedule, do not enquire about the pursuit of
epistemie values more broadly than in respect only of democratic values.
Implicit in the research brief and the interview schedule is a silence about
epistemie values in relation to curricular activity, except where this pertains to
the nurturing of democratic values. In Section 7.2.1 above I have drawn
attention to the eJements of 'whole school', and have illustrated that
systematic teaching and learning, thus the nurturing of epistemie values, is
one of the elements of the whole school. I have also shown there that 'learner
achievements' is the overarching aim of whole school development, and that
this relates to individual development, and values of care. It is my contention
that whole school development must necessarily pay attention to the goal of
systematic teaching and learning, to an ethics of commitment to intellectual
rigour, and concomitantly to the pursuit of epistemie values. Insight into
policies and practices regarding the achievement of the goal of systematic
teaching and learning could yield valuable insights into nurturing a culture of
democratic values. The nurturing of democratic values cannot be considered
in isolation from the nurturing of epistemie values and values of care.
I emphasise the need to articulate systematic teaching and learning within the
context of a baseline study such as the one under scrutiny in this chapter
since insight into policies and practices regarding the broad goal of systematic
teaching and learning could yield valuable insights into ways of nurturing a
culture of values and human rights.
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Below, I turn briefly to the recommendations made by the Baseline Study. In
so far as recommendations are determined by the findings of the research,
and the findings in turn are dependant on the research instrument, I illustrate
in Section 7.2.3 below that the recommendations made by the Baseline
Report suffer the same limitations as its review of the literature and its
research methodology. However, the baseline research has its merits, and I
conclude my discussion of the Baseline Report with a discussion of the
significance of that report and of the study that preceded it, since the Baseline
Report can point the way forward for nurturing a culture of human rights and
values.
7.2.3 The grammar of the Baseline Report in respect of its
recommendations
I firstly summarise the conclusions arrived at in each of the provincial reports
- Mpumalanga Provincial Report and Western Cape Provincial Report
(summarised as Chapters 2 and 3 respectively of the Baseline Report). I next
summarise some recommendations offered in the Western Cape Provincial
Report. I finally summarise the overall recommendations offered in the
Baseline Report (presented in Chapter 4 of the Baseline Report). I also
attempt to define the significance of the Baseline Report in respect of the
conclusions arrived at and the recommendations made there.
The following points summarize the conclusions reached by the Mpumalanga
Provincial Report (DoE, 2004:44-45). Firstly, this provincial report makes
some comparisons between schools as I allude to in Section 7.2.2. Upon
.comparing schools, the Mpumalanga Provincial Report found that there are
vast differénces between schools in the province in respect of location;
surrounding environment; infrastructure; resources such as provision of
buildings, secretarial support and equipment; leadership and management
styles; degree of change; sense of safety/security; pride in school
achievements; socio-economic status; parental involvement; school fees and
disposable school funds; medium of instruction; staff and learner composition;
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school policies, and the quality thereof; and teacher and community attitudes
towards education.
The issue of discipline was raised in the report of the Mpumalanga study
(DoE, 2004:44), and comparisons made between secondary and primary
school teachers and perceptions of and practices relating to values and
human rights. Secondary school teachers seemingly have more discipline
problems than teachers in primary schools, with secondary school teachers
indicating that learners' rights have seemingly eroded teachers' rights. The
issue of discipline is crucial in respect of values and human rights in so far as
disvalues such as disrespect that go hand in hand with ill-discipline militate
against the fostering and nurturing of values and encroaches on the rights of
those on the receiving end of disrespectful modes of behaviour.
The Mpumalanga study further draws attention to the role of teachers in
nurturing values (DoE, 2004:44) when it states that, while all teachers try to
model the kind of behaviour they want learners to display, in primary schools,
teachers explicitly teach what they consider to be right and wrong. In respect
of parental involvement, it was found that parents of primary school learners
are somewhat more involved in school activities than parents of secondary
school learners. Teachers raised concerns about safety, promiscuity, basic
needs (for example water and sanitation), drug use, and teacher burnout.
The Mpumalanga study concludes that the vast differences between schools
in the province impact on the promotion of values and human rights as
envisaged by the DoE. The study points out that it would be a mistake to
assume that all schools are at the same point should a project on values and
human rights be implemented in schools.
I now outline some of the conclusions arrived at in the Western Cape
Provincial Report (DoE, 2004:59-60), and which are in the main of a positive
nature. There was evidence that all schools that participated in the baseline
study were dealing with issues of human rights and values. All the schools
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that participated in the study were in possession of the official policy
documents pertaining to values and human rights education. Teachers from
all schools have attended relevant training sessions in values and human
rights education. The general practice on a school wide level appeared to be
that of non-discrimination and the promotion of tolerance and respect. Class
as well as school programmes attempt to raise awareness in learners of their
rights and responsibilities in respect of health, safety and well-being. There is
a conscious effort to model and build a sense of pride as an individual as well
as a South African. Teachers attempt to model for learners the practices and
values of tolerance, respect and pride in classroom activities and lessons.
The Western Cape Provincial Report refers specifically to the issue of values,
and makes a comparison between schools in respect of how school
communities understand values. This provincial report states that schools
differ in their understanding of values and human rights. For example the
concept 'justice' is understood by some as punitive justice, and by others as
restorative justice. The values referred to in interviews were of a general
nature, for example, tolerance, respect, inclusion, and non-discrimination.
Values that refer to transformation, critical thinking and challenge to the status
quo, anti-racism and anti-bias, for example, redress, equity, and active
citizenship were rarely mentioned, if at all. This seems to indicate that school
communities generally are more concerned with issues that affect them
immediately, for example the occurrence of intolerance, disrespect and
racism, than with longer term matters such as societal transformation and the
roles and responsibilities of active citizens.
I now outline recommendations made by the Western Cape Provincial Report
before I outline overall recommendations made by the Baseline Report. Unlike
the Western Cape Provincial Report the Mpumalanga Provincial Report does
not articulate recommendations. The Western Cape Provincial Report makes
some specific recommendations (DoE, 2004:60) in respect of five spheres,
namely the complexity of individual schools; discipline; leadership
development; the teaching of human rights; and equity.
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The first recommendation in the Western Cape Provincial Report is made
against the backdrop of a realisation that schools are complex organisations.
The recommendation is that whole school development processes should
take into account the complex natures of schools, and should be set up in
participatory ways. The implication is that whole school development should
not be imposed from above. (This recommendation is included in
recommendation 4 of the set of overall recommendations.)
In respect of discipline issues in schools, the recommendation is that the DoE
should support schools with workshops on alternative forms of discipline
which are in line with the rights of children. (This recommendation is included
in recommendation 10 of the set of overall recommendations.)
. The third recommendation is about leadership and management in schools.
There is a need for leadership development in order to create school cultures
where human rights and good citizenship flourish. (This recommendation is
included in recommendation 7 of the set of overall recommendations.)
In respect of the teaching of human rights, the recommendation is two-fold.
Firstly, schools must be able to gain access to teaching material that will
facilitate human rights teaching. Secondly, RNCS training should emphasise
that human rights must be integrated across all learning areas and that it
should be infused into the curriculum; it is not the responsibility of only the
Life Orientation learning area. (Both these recommendations are included in
recommendation 7 of the set of overall recommendations.)
While not pertinently mentioned, the issue of equity finds expression in the
next two recommendations. The first of these is that poverty and
unemployment must be addressed in so far as these circumstances have a
negative impact on a child's ability to learn. Meanwhile, there should be in-
depth school based support where poverty and unemployment infringe on
children's rights to access schooling. (Both of these recommendations are
included in recommendation 8 of the set of overall recommendations.)
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In so far as the recommendations from the Western Cape Provincial Report
have all been included in the set of overall recommendations, I do not, in the
remainder of this section refer to these, and now turn to the remaining overall
recommendations of the Baseline Report provided in the Executive Summary
of that report. The set of overall recommendations that are provided in the
Executive Summary include the set of overall recommendations made in
Chapter Four of the Baseline Report, but it is more comprehensive. For that
reason I make use of the recommendations of the Executive Summary in the
remainder of this section.
The set of overall recommendations of the Executive Summary takes into
account the research conducted in both provinces as well as the conclusions
arrived at in each of the two provincial reports. The recommendations made in
the Western Cape Provincial Report are all included in slightly revised form in
the set of overall recommendations. There are 12 overall recommendations in
the Executive Summary of the Baseline Report, and in the remainder of this
section I indicate in which of the overall recommendations the Western Cape
recommendations are accommodated.
The recommendations as set out in the Executive Summary include, but are
more comprehensive than, the recommendations set out in Chapter 4 (the
final chapter) of the Baseline Report. The Executive Summary puts forward 12
recommendations (DoE, 2004:9-11). In the Executive Summary of the
Baseline Report the recommendations are numbered by means of letters of
the alphabet. For ease of referral I assign a numeral to each recommendation,
and provide a summary of each.
1. The purpose of baseline studies should be clarified and confirmed in order
to clarify the roles and responsibilities of all participants. In the process this
would encourage schools to take ownership of whole school development
processes. 2. It must be acknowledged that schools, in varying degrees, take
charge of their own change and development processes. The findings of the
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baseline research should be made available to schools for discussion and
decision making, and for future reference. 3. It must be acknowledged that
baseline studies have limitations. They offer a limited view of what happens in
schools. 4. School context must be taken into account in projects of
development of values and human rights and the promotion of democracy.
Histories, cultures and identities of schools differ, and the point at which a
school finds itself in the process of that development must be taken into
account when development work is to be undertaken. 5. Language and
access policies of schools can exclude learners, and can perpetuate mono-
lingual school communities. These policies must be monitored. 6. In view of
the fact that some schools in rural areas lack the most basic of amenities, the
Department should ensure that all schools have access to water and
telephones, the national flag and a copy of the Constitution. 7. Whole school
development initiatives to promote values and human rights in schools must
be supported by curriculum materials, educator workshops and leadership
training. Training sessions must include debates and discussions on shared
values, on whose values are important, and on reasons why values must be
infused across the curriculum. 8. The issues of poverty and unemployment.
should be addressed with relevant government departments in order that the
impact thereof on school attendance and learning is diminished. 9.
Consideration must be given to class size since this impacts negatively on the
quality of teaching and on the development of democratic values and human
rights principles. Novice teachers could act as teaching assistants in large
classes, and especially where language constitutes a barrier to learning. 10.
Teachers should be provided with intensive training that will equip them to use
methods of discipline that restore their sense of being respected, that do not
infringe upon the rights. of learners. 11. The research has found that the
quality of school policies varies. This indicates that teachers need to become
familiar with policy development processes. 12. There is consensus that
extra-mural activities play an important role in the development of values and
human rights. Therefore efforts should be made to ensure that all schools
have access to sports fields. Community involvement in this regard is needed.
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As I have pointed out above, the research brief determines what questions the
research instrument would pose, and the research instrument plus the data
analysis make possible the research findings. Recommendations emanate
from the research findings. In so far as the research brief has limitations in
respect of not forefronting one of the broad goals and purposes of schooling,
namely systematic teaching and learning, but forefronting only one of the
broad goals and purposes of schooling, namely active participation in the
world, it is to be expected that the research instrument as well as the findings
and recommendations would display the same limitations as the research
brief. This is indeed the case. Of the twelve recommendations contained in
the executive Summary of the Baseline Report, only one focuses on the goal
of systematic teaching and learning, and it does so within the context of
teaching and learning in respect of values and human rights. I refer to
recommendation number 9 where attention is paid to class size and the
possible negative impact large classes may have on the quality of teaching,
which in turn may have a negative impact on the nurturing of a culture of
values and human rights. However, the Baseline Report is of significance in
various respects, and I discuss these in the next section.
7.3 Significance of the baseline research
A baseline study has its limitations - it provides an account of phenomena at
a specific moment in time, and cannot give an account of, for example,
aspects of progress and development. The baseline research that is the
object of inquiry in this chapter shares this limitation with other baseline
studies. In addition, the time allocated for school visits was limited, and
members of SGBs, and parents and learners at the participating schools were
not included in interviews (DoE, 2004: 16).
Nevertheless, the baseline research provides significant information about
various aspects about values in education at a specific moment in the recent
history of South Africa. The Baseline Report which documents that research
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provides insight into aspects such as how values are understood and how
values find expression within a variety of school contexts.
In broad terms, the baseline research is significant in so far as it took the
Opening Pathways recommendation about embarking on an explicit process
to open up dialogue in schools, with the aim of seeding values in schools,
forward not only as research into values and human rights in schools, but also
in the way the research was carried out, that is, in its methodology. The
baseline research used a process of focus group interviews with small
numbers of participants as its data gathering method. In the process of
engaging with interviewees, researchers set in motion conversations about
values and human rights with teachers at schools. In Section 7.2.2 above I
refer to the advantages of an interview over a questionnaire. The exchanges
within the interview situation are, in effect, discussions about values in
education. Teachers engaged in discussions not only with the researchers,
but also, within the focus group interviews, with one another as colleagues.
Discussions about values in schools are the first step towards seeding values
in schools. The baseline research generated discussions amongst teachers
about values in schools and in this respect it has great significance.
The baseline research is significant for the seeding of democratic values in
schools also in light of the dual purpose of the data gathering. On one level
the data would be used to inform later whole school development to foster a
culture of values and human rights in schools. On another level the data
would be used to inform materials development for use by teachers in the
teaching of values and human rights. (See Section 7.2.2 in this regard). These
are of course. interrelated projects. Whole school development aimed at
fostering a culture where values and human rights flourish needs appropriate
teaching and learning materials. The baseline research set out to do this, and
gained comprehensive information about schools in respect of how teachers
understand values and human rights, and in respect of how values and
human rights find expression in the practices of teachers and learners at
schools.
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The research is of significance for gaining a baseline understanding of
schools in relation to values and human rights in so far as the interview
schedule makes provision for acquiring detailed information on a number of
aspects relating to values and human rights in schools. For example, Section
A of the interview schedule asks for biographical information about the school
and at the same time there are questions that require information about
issues of gender equity in relation to the teaching staff. There are questions
about teacher-learner ratios that provide insight into the equitable distribution
of teachers across the participating schools in the province. Section A
additionally requires information relating to home languages of learners and
the language/s in which teaching takes place. This relates to issues around
multilingualism.
Sections Band C require i.nformation about school policies relevant to values
and human rights, and about the existence of structures to implement those
policies. Schools were also required to furnish researchers with copies of their
policies. Section 0 requires information pertaining to values and human rights
in the curriculum. It requires information about what teachers do in practice in
the classroom to teach values and human rights, and whether they have
access to suitable teaching materials for teaching values and human rights.
These three sections required, respectively, information specifically about
policies (Sections B and C) and incidents of discrimination (Section D)
relating to admission, language, HIV/Aids, religion, discipline, inclusivity,
handling issues of discrimination and observing national days. Section E
requires information about training or capacity building regarding values and
human rights.
The interview schedule yielded substantial information about values and
human rights in schools at a specific moment in our recent history. That
information is recorded in the Baseline Report and in the site reports
(Mpumalanga and Western Cape). The Baseline Report therefore remains a
useful document for thinking about the fostering of a culture of values and
human rights in schools, and therein lies part of its significance.
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In respect of conclusions arrived at and recommendations made, the Baseline
Report is a valuable resource document to draw attention to some of the
major challenges facing schooling in South Africa in respect of nurturing a
culture of values and human rights [see Section 3.4: Conclusions and
recommendations (as contained in the Baseline Report)]. The Mpumalanga
Provincial Report draws attention to a wide range of differences between the
fifteen schools that participated in the research. These differences have an
impact on the way values and human rights are understood and actualised in
these schools.
The issue of discipline features prominently in the conclusions arrived at in the
Mpumalanga Provincial Report. Poor discipline constitutes a barrier to the
nurturing of a culture where democratic values and human rights flourish. If
teachers are unable to find ways other than corporal punishment to create
order and discipline in the classroom, then democratic values and human
rights cannot be nurtured in these classrooms.
Parental involvement in their children's schooling is also a cause for concern,
with parents of primary school children generally more involved with their
children's schooling than are the parents of high school learners.
Teachers are justifiably concerned about issues such as safety, the lack of
basic amenities and teacher burnout, and these circumstances detract from
the project of fostering a culture of democratic values and human rights.
These phenomena are documented in the Baseline Report and constitute
challenges to the establishment of a culture of democratic values and human
rights in schools. It is also for this reason that I consider the Baseline Report
to be a significant"document.
While the Western Cape Provincial Report appears more positive about
progress that has been made in respect of policies, structures and practices
relating to values and human rights in schools, the lack of a deeper
engagement with values surfaces in that report (DoE, 2004:59). Teachers
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referred mainly to values such as 'respect', 'tolerance', 'non-discrimination'
and 'inclusion'. Teachers did not engage significantly with values such as
'redress', 'equity' and 'active citizenship' (DoE, 2004:59-60). Given the
inequalities that were engineered during and before the apartheid era, and
which are still a feature of the South African landscape generally, and
schooling in particular, it is important to engage with these latter values, and
to formulate achievable strategies - long, medium and short-term - to achieve
redress and bring about greater levels of equity. It is also important to
interrogate the concept 'active citizenship' since this is one of the crucial
underpinnings of a vibrant democracy - others being a democratic constitution
and the will to defend that constitution. A lack of engagement with values such
as 'redress', 'equity' and 'active citizenship' on the part of teachers signals that
much has to be done by way of engaging teachers in discussions about
values in education.
The overall recommendations contained in the Executive Summary of the
Baseline Report take the above conclusions into account, and make various
recommendations that remain relevant to nurturing a culture of democratic
values and human rights in schools. One such recommendation relates to the
differences between schools, that schools are at vastly different points on a
continuum of nurturing a culture of democratic values and human rights. This
indicates that school context must be taken into account when whole school
development in respect of values and human rights is undertaken. The overall
recommendations indicate that issues such as multilingualism, lack of basic
amenities, poverty and unemployment, class size, poor discipline, and varied
quality of school policies regarding values and human rights constitute
barriers to the nurturing of a culture of democratic values and human rights in
schools, and need to be addressed. The recommendations include specific
recommendations relating to whole school development to nurture values and
human rights. These recommendations are that curriculum materials should
be produced to assist teachers; educator workshops should be held to train
teachers in values and human rights teaching; leadership training and support
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should be provided, and debates and discussions about values in education
should form part of the training of teachers in values and human rights.
I conclude this section by affirming that the Baseline Report remains a
significant document in respect of the establishment of a culture where
democratic values and human rights flourish.
7.4 Concluding remarks
In this chapter I have examined The Baseline Report, a report on DoE
initiated research into baseline conditions at a selection of schools in
Mpumalanga and the Western Cape in respect of policies and practices
regarding human rights and values in these schools. I have investigated the
grammar of the Baseline Report in respect of its engagement with relevant
literature, in respect of its research methodology, and in respect of its
recommendations. I have concluded the chapter by drawing attention to the
significance of the Baseline Report, despite the limitations I have identified. In
Chapter Eight I provide a comprehensive presentation of the conclusions I
arrive at in Chapters Four, Five, Six and Seven. In Chapter Eight I also make
some recommendations regarding values in education, with specific reference
to the nurturing of values in schools. Such recommendations could be of use
to the Department of Basic Education (DBE), provincial education
departments and individual school communities in respect of nurturing values
in schools.
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CHAPTER EIGHT
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
8.1 Introduction
In Chapter One, Section 1.6, I indicate that this thesis conforms to what
Paltridge (2002:132) refers to as a topic-based thesis. A topic-based thesis
does not have a separate 'literature review' and 'presentation, analysis and
discussion of the research findings' chapters. In Section 6.1 I point out that a
review of the literature as well as presentation, analysis and discussion of
research findings are infused in Chapters Three to Seven. A topic-based
thesis does, however, have a 'conclusions chapter. This thesis therefore does
not have a separate chapter on 'presentation, analysis and discussion of
research findings'. It does have a 'conclusions and recommendations' chapter.
Conclusions about conversations about values in education are arrived at
mainly via the subsidiary research question: What is the grammar of DoE
conversations about values in education in South Africa from 2000 to 2005?
Every chapter from Chapter Three through to Chapter Seven provides
responses to this subsidiary research question, and these responses
articulate conclusions arrived at in each of these chapters. Section 8.2 of this
chapter provides a consolidation of the conclusions arrived at in the
mentioned chapters. It also provides a conclusion arrived at in respect of the
significance of DoE conversations about values in education.
The conclusions I arrive at in respect ot'DoE conversations about values in .
education provide a response to the main research question: What are salient
features of DoE conversations about values in education in South Africa from
2000 to 2005?
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I briefly describe the process I followed in order to arrive at a consolidation of
the conclusions arrived at in the various chapters. I first listed all the chapters
from Chapter Three through to Chapter Seven. I then examined each chapter
and listed the conclusions arrived at in that chapter. I numbered each
conclusion and found that there were 22 conclusions arrived at over the five
chapters under examination, Chapters Three through to Seven. I next
grouped the conclusions into themes, and found that there were three themes
that cut across chapters. The themes are the following: (i) The engagement of
DoE conversations with concepts; (ii) Conceptions about the goals and
purposes of schooling in DoE conversations; and (iii) Silences in some DoE
conversations relating to the implementation of recommendations that were
made in respect of nurturing values in education. I found that the first theme,
the engagement of DoE conversations with concepts, cut across all chapters
from Chapter Three through to Chapter Seven. The second theme,
conceptions about the goals and purposes of schooling in DoE conversations,
cuts across Chapters Four, Five, Six and Seven. The third theme, silences in
some DoE conversations relating to the implementation of recommendations
made in respect of nurturing values in education, cuts across Chapters Five
and Six.
The significance of this is that the themes I identified are in fact weaknesses
in DoE conversations about values in education. Thus, a weakness relating to
an engagement with concepts, cuts across all five sets of DoE conversations
examined for this thesis. A weakness relating to conceptions about the goals
and purposes of schooling cuts across four of the five sets of conversations
about values, and a weakness relating to silences regarding implementation
of recommendations cuts across two of the five sets of conversations about
values in education. There is thus a high incidence of weaknesses that the
different sets of conversations have in common. This indicates that, although
different sets of conversations were authored by different sets of persons,
there is much common ground in respect of the weaknesses these
conversations yielded.
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I have indicated above that Section 8.2 mainly provides a consolidation of
conclusions arrived at in various chapters of this thesis, with a further
conclusion in respect of the overall significance of DoE conversations about
values in education. These conclusions provide the basis for formulating
recommendations in respect of nurturing values in education, which is the
subject matter of Section 8.3. In Section 8.4 I discuss some limitations of my
research, and in Section 8.5 I indicate what further research could be
undertaken in respect of nurturing values in education. In section 8.6 I provide
some concluding remarks.
8.2 Conclusions
As stated above in Section 8.1, an examination of the grammar of DoE
conversations about values In education in South Africa from 2000 to 2005
reveals three themes. These themes relate to (i) The engagement of DoE
conversations with concepts; (ii) Conceptions about the goals and purposes of
schooling in DoE conversations; and (iii) Silences in some DoE conversations
relating to the implementation of recommendations that were made in respect
of nurturing values in education. I discuss each of these sets of shortcomings,
and draw conclusions based on the discussion. I thereafter present another
conclusion in respect of the overall significance of DoE conversations about
value in education.
8.2.1 DoE engagement with concepts
DoE conversations about values in education to greater or lesser degree
show insufficient engagement with concepts. This results in conceptual
confusion or lack of conceptual clarity. The concepts in question are 'values',
'morality', 'dialogue and debate', 'education', 'colonisation and apartheid', and
'whole school development'. I now draw attention to instances of lack of
engagement with concepts, lack of conceptual clarity, and conceptual
confusion as these have been uncovered through an examination of the
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grammar of DoE conversations about values in education. I start with the
concept 'values'.
(i) Values
In respect of the concept 'values' all the documents that form the subject of
study in Chapters Four through to Seven, namely the Values Report, Opening
Pathways, the Manifesto and the Baseline Report, as well as the document
Signposts for Safe Schools (see Chapter Three), show that there is
insufficient engagement with concepts. Both Signposts for Safe Schools and
the Values Report use the concept 'values' loosely and in relation to the
concept 'character'. In Section 3.6, Guidelines for teachers regarding values
in education, I point out that Signposts for Safe Schools does not offer
conceptual clarification of 'values' and aligns 'values education' with 'character
education' when, in response to its own question, namely, "How can
educators help learners to develop morals and values?" it provides guidelines
regarding approaches to implementing character education in order to help
learners develop morals and values (Brunton & Associates, 2003:H 29).
Regarding the Values Report, I claim, in Section 4.2.1, that the report pays
insufficient attention to an articulation of the concept 'values' and shows
conceptual muddle when it refers to 'values' as 'desirable qualities of
character' (DoE, 2000 (a): 10). In this thesis, in Section 4.2.1, I circumscribe
'values' as guiding principles, tie 'values' to human actions, and argue in
favour of a conception of shared values, which is a communitarian conception
of values. I argue in that section that 'character' relates to individuals, and if
one were to equate 'values' with character formation, this would undermine
the communitarian project of nurturing shared values and present a
conception of society as an atomistic collection of individuals with convergent,
not shared, goods. I conclude that the Values Report has paid scant attention
to exploring the meaning of the concept 'values'.
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In respect of the Manifesto, in Section 6.3.2 I have shown that there is a lack
of a proper circumscription of the concept 'values', and that there is
consequently lack of conceptual clarity when the Manifesto, without listing
'patriotism' as a value, includes strategies to promote patriotism. Therefore
the Manifesto is conceptually unclear in respect of the concepts 'values' and
'educational strategies'.
In this sub-section I have shown that Signposts for Safe Schools, the Values
Report as well as the Manifesto show lack of conceptual clarity in respect of
the concept 'values'.
I next discuss DoE conversations about values in education in respect of the
concept 'morality'.
(ii) Morality
There are two sets of DoE conversations about values in education where the
concept 'morality' enters the conversation, namely Signposts for Safe Schools
(see Chapter Three) and Opening Pathways (see Chapter Five). Neither of
these conversations engage thoroughly with the concept 'morality', and
Signposts for Safe Schools does not offer conceptual clarification of 'morality'
and aligns moral education with character education, in the same way as it
aligns values education with character education.
The question of morality enters DoE conversations about values via a
response on the part of Opening Pathways to the claim by Carrim and
Tshoane [DoE, 2002 (b):8-9] that the state should not engage in values
formation through, forexample, the education system, since this would lead to
a high level of prescriptiveness on the part of the state in respect of the moral
lives of persons, and would result in ideological closure.
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In Chapter Four, Section 4.2.2, following Gert (2008), I draw attention to two
conceptions of 'morality', a descriptive conception of 'morality' and a
normative conception of 'morality'. A descriptive conception of morality
makes reference to the codes accepted by an individual or group, such as a
religious group. A normative conception of 'morality' draws attention to
'morality' as an informal public system, applicable to all rational persons. This
focuses attention on the shared or communitarian aspect of 'morality', which
opens up the space for public deliberation about issues concerning the moral
lives of persons, and militates against ideological closure. While Opening
Pathways does not agree with the view of Carrim and Tshoane, and presents
an argument in support of state intervention regarding the nurturing of values
in schools, it offers no clarification of the concept 'morality'.
I next discuss the use of the terms. 'dialogue and debate' in DoE
conversations about values in education in South Africa from 2000 to 2005.
(iii) Dialogue and debate
The Values Report as well as Opening Pathways privilege the terms 'dialogue'
and 'debate' in their respective conversations about values in education in
South Africa. In respect of the Values Report I draw attention to and critique
the use of this terminology in Sections 4.2.3 and 4.2.4. In respect of Opening
Pathways I critique the use of this terminology in Section 5.1 where I discuss
the six recommendations made by that report, and conclude that 'dialogue' is
at the centre of each of the recommendations. My critique is grounded in my
perception that 'dialogue' and 'debate' are particular forms of conversation. In
the case of 'dialogue' a popular, and quite correct, interpretation of that
concept locates dialogue as a focused conversation between two persons.
'Debate' again, is a particular type of conversation where opposing sides
engage with subject matter with a view to 'winning' the debate. I am not
suggesting that these terms are inappropriate terms to use within an
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educational context. Indeed, dialogue and debate about values in education
must be encouraged.
However, there are other types of conversations that focus more keenly on
the nurturing of values within an educational context, where persons engage
in discussions about, for example, mediating a tension between Constitutional
values and, what I refer to in Section 6.3.3, individual values. Other types of
conversation not preferred by the Values Report and Opening Pathways are
discussion, inquiry and deliberation. These types of conversation focus more
strongly on the educational dimension of conversation. "Inquiry', for example,
draws attention to the communitarian nature of education and schooling
where we think in terms of communities of enquirers. In Section 4.2.3 I argue
that 'inquiry' is internally related to 'education'. 'Deliberation' calls to mind (see
Section 6.3.3) a suspension of self-interest and a rational attempt to reach
consensus through the presentation of logical argument. I conclude that
'inquiry' and 'deliberation' focus more deeply on the educational dimension of
conversations about values in education than do 'dialogue' and 'debate'.
I next turn to DoE engagement with the concept 'education', specifically as
this concept emerges in articulations in the Values Report and in Opening
Pathways.
(iv) Education
Neither the Values Report nor Opening Pathways distinguishes between
'education' and 'schooling', this despite it being clear that both these sets of
conversations are conversations in respect of nurturing values in schools. In
respect of the Values' Report, I critique the failure on the part of DoE
conversations about values in education to distinguish between education and
schooling in Section 4.2.5. In respect of Opening Pathways, in Section 5.2.1 I
draw attention to the nation-building project that is promoted by Opening
Pathways, where this document refers to education as having a nation-
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building function, where it is clearly intended (by Opening Pathways) that this
should be one of the functions of schooling.
By conflating 'education' and 'schooling' Opening Pathways ascribes extrinsic
or instrumental value to 'education'. In Section 4.2.5, in relation to the Values
Report, I argue that 'education' is intrinsically valuable but that 'schooling' has
three broad goals and purposes, and that one may ascribe extrinsic or
instrumental value to schooling, such as a goal of fostering democratic values.
By conflating 'education' and 'schooling', the Values Report and Opening
Pathways not only ascribe instrumental value to education; they also obscure
the broad goals and purposes of schooling.
I now turn to Opening Pathways and the engagement of that conversation
with the concepts 'colonisation' and 'apartheid'.
(v) Colonisation and apartheid
In Section 5.2.1 I draw attention to the assumption made by Opening
Pathways that apartheid is a form of colonisation. In the named section I draw
on work of the HSRC (2009) where a distinction is made between colonisation
and apartheid. Colonisation is the domination of a foreign power over the
indigenous people of a country, whereas apartheid is described as an
aggravated form of racial discrimination, where the faction in control uses
state apparatus in order to dominate and oppress specific racial groups. I am
of opinion that the conflation on the part of Opening Pathways is not on a par
with the conflation of 'education' and 'schooling', which is a matter of negligent
engagement with concepts. In the case of the conflationof 'colonisation' and
'apartheid', I am of the opinion that Opening Pathways has a political agenda
when it refers to the monopolisation of power under apartheid, where political
power was in the hands of white Afrikaans speaking persons and economic
power in the hands of white English speaking persons (DoE, 2002 (b):7).
Thus, white English speaking persons and white Afrikaans speaking persons
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are categorised as being of foreign origin, and remaining foreigners after their
forebears had settled in South Africa generations ago. The reasoning is thus
that those in posession of political or economic power, even though South
African born, are foreign colonialists. I take up this point in Section 8.3,
specifically in Section 8.3.1, where I offer some recommendations regarding
the nurturing of values in education.
I next turn to a particular DoE conversation about values in education and its
lack of engagement with what should be a seminal concept for that
conversation about values in education, namely the concept 'whole school
development' .
(vi) Whole school development
The final moment in conversations about values in education that I examined,
the Baseline Report, shows no critical engagement with concepts that should
have been examined as a matter of necessity in order to provide a theoretical
or conceptual dimension to that work. I make this point in Section 7.2.1 where
I show that the Baseline Report (DoE, 2004: 13) claims that strategies of
whole school development are more inclusive than processes of deliberation,
confronting resistance, fostering virtues and anti-racist and anti-sexist
education which have been proposed by various theorists. However, the
Baseline Report does not engage with the concepts 'whole school' and 'whole
school development'. The report has no literature review section, and offers
only scant engagement with these concepts despite the fact that the concepts
'whole school' and 'whole school development are fundamental concepts for
the baseline study.
Furthermore, the Baseline Report does not engage with the concepts
'deliberation', 'confronting resistance', 'fostering virtues', and 'anti-racist and
anti-sexist education'. It simply asserts, without providing reasons, that these
last named processes are not sufficiently inclusive in order to successfully
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foster democratic values. I therefore conclude that there is minimal conceptual
engagement in the Baseline Report.
In the light of the discussions in this section I conclude that DoE
conversations about values in education do not engage in a rigorous manner
with concepts.
8.2.2 Conceptions about the goals and purposes of schooling in DoE
conversations about values in education
This section about DoE conceptions about broad goals and purposes of
schooling must be read against the background of a conceptualisation,
following Christie (2008), of broad goals and purposes of schooling and an
ethical framework for these broad goals and purposes of schooling. In Section
4.2.5 I ascribe concomitant values to the broad goals and purposes of
schooling and to the ethical framework within which these broad goals and
purposes are realised. The broad goals and purposes of schooling, their
ethical framework, and concomitant values, or guiding principles, is
represented in tabular form below, and is a repetition of Table 3 in Section
4.2.5 in order to facilitate a reading of this section on DoE conceptions about
the goals and purposes of schooling.
Table 12: Goals and purposes of schooling. An ethical framework and
guiding principles
Broad goals and Ethical framework Values as guiding
purposes of schooling principles
Systematic teaching and An ethics of commitment Epistemic values
learning to intellectual riqour
Active participation in the An ethics of civility in Civic democratic values
world building the conditions for
a democratic public space
Individual development An ethics of care for self, Values of care
for others and for the
world we share
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A recurring theme in the Values Report, Opening Pathways and the Manifesto
is that education should be a tool for nation-building. I have referred above, in
Section 8.2.1, that these conversations about values in education conflate
'education' and 'schooling', and that it is, in fact, the nation-building function of
schooling that these conversations have in mind. I argue, in various sections
of this thesis, that a focus on the nation-building function of schooling is an
emphasis on only one of the broad goals and purposes of schooling that I
identify in Section 4.2.5. In that section, and in relation to the Values Report, I
point out that schooling has a number of broad goals and purposes, one of
which is to educate persons. But schooling also has other goals and
purposes, such as to socialise the young into society. When DoE
conversations about values in education forefront the nation-building function
of schooling, they forefront what I refer to in Section 4.2.5 as the nurturing of
democratic values at the expense of epistemie values and values of care.
In respect of Opening Pathways I refer, in Section 5.2.1, to the nation-building
function of schooling advocated by that conversation. Again, this forefronts
only one of the goals and purposes of schooling, namely that of active
participation in the world. In other words, Opening Pathways, like the Values
Report, forefronts democratic values at the expense of epistemic values and
values of care. Similarly the Manifesto focuses on Constitutional values at the
expense of epistemic values and values of care. I make this point in Chapter
Six, Section 6.3.3. Finally, in respect of the Baseline Report, in Chapter
Seven, Section 7.2.1 I make the point that the Baseline Report refers to the
need for an inclusive strategy to promote the fostering of democratic values.
However, the Baseline Report does not locate the fostering of democratic
values within the broader context of other goals and purposes of schooling,
and' consequently is silent about systematic teaching and learning and
individual development. The Baseline Report is thus also silent about
concomitant epistemic values and values of care.
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I conclude that the conversations about values in education as articulated by
the Values Report, Opening Pathways, the Manifesto and the Baseline Report
forefront only one of the broad goals and purposes of schooling, namely
active participation in the world at the expense of systematic teaching and
learning, and individual development, thus forefronting civic democratic values
at the expense of epistemic values and values of care.
8.2.3 Silences in DoE conversations
There are silences in two of the DoE conversations about values in education
relating to implementation of recommendations made in respect of nurturing
values in education. The two conversations I refer to are Opening Pathways
and the Manifesto. In respect of Opening Pathways I state in Section 5.1 that
the .recommendations all relate to. fostering dialogue in schools. However,
there are no clear indications as to what processes should be followed to
encourage dialogue in schools. Opening Pathways is thus silent about how
dialogue can be encouraged in schools.
In Section 6.3.3 I draw attention to silences in the Manifesto. These silences
are the following: (i) What the nature and purpose of schooling is; (ii) Tensions
that may arise between Constitutional values and individual values; and (iii)
How political literacy is to be achieved. In respect of the first of these silences,
the Manifesto states explicitly that the values that must be nurtured in schools
are Constitutional values. Thus, the Manifesto does not distinguish between
types of values, neither does it identify broad goals and purposes of
schooling.
In respect of the second of these silences, the Manifesto does not pay
attention to tensions that may arise between Constitutional values and
individual values - to which I refer, following du Preez and Roux (2010), also
as 'cultural' values. A consequence is that the Manifesto does not pay
attention to how there could be mediated between these sets of values.
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In respect of the third of these silences, the Manifesto proposes sixteen
strategies for nurturing the values of the Constitution in schools. However, the
strategies proposed by Manifesto are vague, remain at the level of rhetoric,
and do not provide practical guidelines for nurturing values in schools. Enslin
et al (2001) and Waghid [2004 (a)] provide better insight into how the values
of the Constitution may be nurtured than does the Manifesto. These authors
propose that practices of deliberation must be nurtured in schools in order that
skills of political literacy, which are essential for establishing and sustaining a
democracy, and for helping it to flourish, may be taught and learnt.
Deliberation consists in a suspension of self or factional interests, and the aim
with deliberation is to arrive, through rational means, at consensus, which
opens up the possibility for developing shared understandings about values in
education. Waghid [2004 (a)] furthermore introduces the notion of compassion
which can enhance the development of political literacy in so far as
compassion requires of one to imagine oneself in the shoes of another.
From the brief discussion in this section I conclude that there are silences in
Opening Pathways and in the Manifesto in respect of the implementation of
recommendations made in these documents.
I now discuss the final conclusion I arrive at, which is about the significance of
DoE conversations about values in education for the nurturing of values in
education.
8.2.4 Significance of DoE conversations about values in education in
South Africa from 2000 to 2005
Despite the shortcomings in DoE conversations about values in education that
I highlight in Sections 8.2.1, 8.2.2 and 8.2.3 above, these DoE conversations
are significant ones. Conversations about values in education in South Africa
after apartheid were started during 2000 by the then Minister of Education.
This was a very necessary initiative, since South Africa's democratic
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Constitution came into effect only four years earlier, during 1996. The
disvalues seeded by apartheid and those seeded by globalisation, as
discussed in Opening Pathways had to be confronted, and still have to be
confronted. The DoE conversations about values in education that form the
subject matter of study of this thesis generated scholarly work on values in
education, and still does at this time as can be seen from the Bibliography of
this thesis, which shows that this study has been beneficially informed by
conversations about values in education which constituted responses to DoE
initiated conversations about values in education.
Opening Pathways, in particular, shows that there is considerable divergence
between meanings attached to values on the part of the Values Report, on the
one hand, and on the part of school communities, on the other hand (see
Chapter Five, Section 5.2.2:· Meanings assigned to value concepts). If values
are to be nurtured in schools it is important to know what the understanding of
school communities are in respect of those values that must be nurtured. This
is what Opening Pathways set out to do, and the research on which this latter
document is based represents a continuation of the conversation about values
in education that was started in 2000 with the constitution of the Working
Group on Values in Education, and which was continued with the formulation
of the Values Report, which was followed by the Saamtrek Conference, which
in turn gave rise to the formulation of the Manifesto (see Chapter One,
Section 1.1).
The Baseline Report, which represents the last of the DoE conversations
about values in education that was examined for this study, is an important
document in respect of nurturing values in schools. In Chapter Seven, Section
7.3 I draw attention to the siqniflcance of this particular conversation about
values in education. I point out there that the baseline research took forward
the Opening Pathways recommendation that dialogue about values must be
nurtured in schools with the purpose of seeding values in schools. It does so
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by the methodology it employed, which was to engage teachers in
conversations about values by way of focus group interviews.
The greatest significance of the Baseline Report lies therein that it provides a
baseline understanding of schools in respect of how values and human rights
are understood and practised in schools. This kind of knowledge is crucial in
respect of nurturing values in schools.
I conclude that DoE conversations about values in education from 2000 to
2005 are significant in so far as these conversations represented the
beginning of conversations about values in education that are continuing to
this day.
I conclude this section by providing a consolidation of the conclusions that I
arrive at under Sections 8.2.1 through to 8.2.4. These conclusions also
provide a response to my main research question which is: What are salient
features of DoE conversations about values in education in South Africa from
2000 to 2005?
A consolidation of conclusions arrived at in this section as well as a response
to my main research question are the following: (i) DoE conversations about
values in education do not engage in a rigorous manner with concepts; (ii)
Some DoE conversations about values in education prioritize the nation-
building function of schooling at the expense of other goals and functions of
schooling; (iii) There are silences in some DoE conversations about values in
education in respect of procedures to be followed for the implementation of
recommendations; and (iv) DoE conversations about values in education are
significant tn so far as these conversations marked the start of conversations
about values in education against the background of the disvalues of
apartheid and colonialism, and disvalues generated by the negative effects of
globalisation.
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In the next section I make some recommendations based on the conclusions
arrived at in this section.
8.3 Recommendations
The recommendations I propose in this section emanate from the first three
conclusions arrived at in the previous section, and I propose these
recommendations under headings corresponding to those in the previous
section, namely Sections 8.2.1, 8.2.2. and 8.2.3. In respect of the fourth
conclusion I arrive at, namely a conclusion about the significance of DoE
conversations about values in education, I refer to that conclusion under
Section 8.5 below where I propose topics for further research.
8.3.1 Engagement with concepts
In Section 8.2.1 I argue that DoE conversations about values in education are
not sufficiently rigorous, and that, in fact, there are instances of minimal
engagement with concepts. In this regard I refer to the concepts 'values',
'morality', 'dialogue and debate', 'education', 'colonisation and apartheid', and
'whole school development'. These are concepts DoE conversations have
either not engaged with sufficiently, as is the case with 'whole school
development', or have engaged with in a conceptually unclear manner, as is
the case with the concept 'values'. The recommendation regarding DoE
engagement with concepts is clearly that there needs to be conceptual clarity
and conceptual coherence in conversations about values in education, and
specifically in respect of key concepts such as 'values' and 'education'.
The DoE conversations in question are conversations that were documented
between 2000 and 2005, but the conclusion I arrive at about lack of
conceptual clarity, and the recommendation regarding the necessity for
conceptual clarity, are currently equally valid, as is evident from writing in this
regard of Solomons and Fataar this year, 2011. Solomons and Fataar (2011)
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make a similar point regarding the necessity for clarification of concepts in
relation to values education, without which there cannot be any sound
underpinning for values education. While DoE conversations about values in
education were highly significant in respect of beginning the conversations
about values in education - see Section 8.2.4 - I recommend that conceptual
clarity and clarification is necessary in order to advance sound conversations
about values in education. I further recommend that particular attention must
be paid to the tension between Constitutional values and individual/cultural
values to which I refer in Section 6.3.3. and in Section 8.2.3 when I refer to a
silence about a possible tension between cultural values and Constitutional
values.
Not only is conceptual clarity and clarification necessary to advance the
nurturing of values in education. So also is conceptual honesty. In Section
8.2.1 I refer to the DoE conversation that conflates colonialism and apartheid.
The conclusion I arrive at there is that, in the specific DoE conversation about
values in education, I refer to in that section, white Afrikaans and English
speaking South Africans are, per implication, regarded as foreign colonialists.
This kind of assumption militates against the project of nation-building, which
is what Opening Pathways, the DoE conversation in question, advocates, and
it militates against reconciliation, aggravating the 'fractured' nature of the
'moral landscape' (Solomons and Fataar, (2011). My recommendation in this
regard is that there should be sensitivity in respect of the use of concepts in
order to facilitate reconciliation.
8.3.2 Goals and purposes of schooling
In Section 8.2.2 I argue that DoE conversations forefront only one of the
broad goals and purposes of schooling that I identify in Chapter Four, Section
4.2.5, namely 'active participation in the world', at the expense of other goals
and purposes, namely 'systematic teaching and learning' and 'individual
development'. Christie et al (2007) were tasked with investigating why some
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mainstream schools, that is, "schools between privilege and extreme poverty"
(Christie et ai, 2007:102) achieve good senior certificate results and others in
similar socio-economic and historical circumstances do not. Christie et al
(2007:4) describe these schools as follows:
They battled social conditions of poverty, manifesting among
other things in hunger, AIDS orphans, and schoolgirl pregnancy.
They had little control over their learner intake; the stability of
their staffing was often precarious; and their resources -
generally inadequate - were stretched to the limit. ... Their levels
of support from districts and departments were variable but
generally not remarkable.
These schools achieved good senior certificate results despite the above
mentioned circumstances in which they operated. Christie et al (2007: 104)
found that four dynamics and strategies operate in all the schools that work,
and articulates the first of these dynamics and strategies as follows:
All of the schools were focused on their central tasks of
teaching, learning, and management with a sense of purpose,
responsibility and commitment; they had strong organisational
capacity, including leadership (in various forms) and
management, and professionalism was valued.
Key words in the above quotation are 'focused', 'central tasks', 'purpose',
'responsibility' and 'commitment'. The 'central tasks' are identified as teaching,
learning and management. The identification of two of the central tasks of
schools coincides with one of the broad goals and purposes of schooling
which I identify in Chapter Four, Section 4.2.5, as systematic teaching and
learning. Thus, the quotation tells us that systematic teaching and learning are
engaged with in a focused, purposeful, responsible and committed manner by
the schools that work. The same focus and sense of purpose, responsibility
and commitment applies to the organisation of these schools in respect of
leadership and management, thereby creating conditions under which
systematic teaching and learning can take place. In respect of values in
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education, it is clear that epistemic values drive these schools, and that these
schools have clarity about what a central goal and purpose of schooling is.
The report of Christie et al (2007) draws attention to complexities in relation to
what make some mainstream schools 'work' and others not, but these issues
fall outside the brief of this thesis. I am well aware that, as Christie et al
(2007: 103) point out, schools are not the same, and there are circumstances
that prevent many schools from achieving goals and purposes of schooling as
discussed in this thesis. And here one must bear in mind that these
mainstream schools are middle quintile schools - neither privileged nor
extremely poor, and that abject poverty brings a different dynamic into the
picture.
In the light of the above, I make two recommendations: i) Schools should gain
clarity on the broad goals and purposes of schooling, and should focus on the
central tasks of schooling, namely teaching and learning, and on management
in order to create the conditions that make teaching and learning possible;
and (ii) Schools which cannot achieve as the mainstream schools do should
be assisted in every way possible.
8.3.3 Silences regarding implementation of recommendations
In Section 8.2.3 I draw attention to silences in Opening Pathways and in the
Manifesto in respect of clear guidelines for implementing recommendations
made about nurturing values in education. In this regard I recommend that
future DoE conversations about values in education formulate clear,
achievable guidelines for implementing recommendations made in such
conversations.
In Section 8.2.3, in relation to this silence on the part of the Manifesto, I
indicate, following Enslin et al (2001) and Whagid [2004 (a)], that practices of
deliberation must be nurtured in schools in order to establish the values of the
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Constitution. Engaging in deliberation is a way of reaching shared
understandings in respect of values to be nurtured in schools. In this regard I
recommend that in-service as well as pre-service teachers be acquainted in a
thorough manner with practices of deliberation, in order that they can guide
learners in deliberation with a view to developing shared understandings
about values in education.
I conclude this section by providing a consolidation of the recommendations
that I propose under Sections 8.3.1 through to 8.3.3. These recommendations
are that:
(i) Conceptual clarity and clarification are necessary in order to advance
sound conversations about values in education;
(ii) Particular attention must be paid to the tension between Constitutional
values and cultural values;
(iii) There should be sensitivity in respect of the use of concepts in order to
facilitate reconciliation;
(iv) Schools should gain clarity on the broad. goals and purposes of
schooling, and should focus on the central tasks of schooling, namely
teaching and learning, and on management in order to create the
conditions that make teaching and learning possible;
(v) Schools which cannot achieve as the mainstream schools do should be
assisted in every way possible;
(vi) Future DoE conversations about values in education must formulate
achievable guidelines for implementing recommendations made in
such conversations; and
. (vii) In-service as well as pre-service teachers be acquainted in a thorough
manner with practices of deliberation, in order that they may guide
learners in such practices with a view to developing shared
understandings about values in education.
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In the next section I draw attention to limitations of my research, and
thereafter I propose topics for future research that emanate from the proposed
recommendations in this section.
8.4 Limitations of this research
This research has two limitations. In the first place, the research was
theoretical, with no fieldwork involved. Thus my research was text-based
research. Because of my previous research engagements, which were also
theoretical, and devoid of fieldwork, it was my preference to engage in
theoretical work again. Fieldwork would have given a different dimension to
this research, and the voices of more recent school communities would then
have been heard. This would have provided a source for comparison with the
voices of school communities as these emerged in the DoE conversations
about values in education as documented in Opening Pathways and in the
Baseline Report.
Another limitation of this research is to be found in the delimitation of the
study. In Chapter One, Section 1.8, I provide an argument for limiting the
period under investigation to the years 2000 to 2005. Seven years have
passed since 2005, which is the end period of the conversations about values
in education that form the subject of study of this research. This research
therefore cannot provide insight into later conversations about values in
education.
8.5 Suggestions for further research
In Section 8.2.4 above I indicate that the DoE conversations about values in
education from 2000 to 2005 has considerable significance for the following
reasons: They initiated conversations about values in the post-apartheid era,
which was a necessary initiative in order to address disvalues of apartheid,
colonialism and globalisation; Opening Pathways showed that there are
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divergences regarding how values are understood by school communities, on
the one hand, and the Values Report, on the other hand; and The Baseline
Report provides a baseline understanding of how values and human rights
are understood and practised in schools.
In the light of the above, and in the light of recommendations that are made in
Section 8.3, I identify the following as possible topics for further research:
(i) Studies similar to the baseline study could inform the DBE about how
values and human rights are currently understood in school
communities, with a view to formulating programmes for the nurturing
of values in education;
(ii) Conceptual clarity and clarification are necessary in the development of
such research in order to provide rigour in respect of conceptual and
theoretical frameworks;
(iii) Research could be conducted that pays particular attention to the
interaction between Constitutional values and cultural values;
(iii) There should be sensitivity in respect of the use of concepts in order to
facilitate reconciliation;
(iv) Further research could focus on how schools understand the broad
goals and purposes of schooling, and how schools understand the
central tasks of schooling;
(v) Research could be undertaken with a view to uncovering ways of
assisting schools which are unable to achieve the broad goals and
purposes of schooling and the central tasks of schooling;
(vi) Future research must formulate clear, achievable guidelines for
implementing the recommendations made by such research; and
(vii) Research could be undertaken with a view to finding ways to nurture
practices of deliberation amongst teachers as well as learners, in order
that shared understandings about values in education may be
developed.
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8.6 Concluding Remarks
In this chapter I have presented some conclusions I arrive at upon an
examination of the grammar of DoE conversations about values in education
from 2000 to 2005. On the basis of conclusions arrived at I make some
recommendations. Finally I draw attention to some limitations of my research
and suggest some topics for future research. I believe that, in this thesis, I
have responded to my main research question as well as to my subsidiary
research questions.
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