| dc.description.abstract | Land has been a source of political conflict in Zimbabwe since colonization, both within indigenous black communities and especially between white settlers and the black rural communities. At independence in 1980 Zimbabwe inherited a dual agrarian structure characterized by skewed land ownership and white minority control over the countrie's land resources. After 18 years of very limited reforms, the government of Zimbabwe announced the Fast Track Land Reform programme in 2000 with the aim of acquiring more than 3,000 commercial farms for redistribution. The Fast Track Land Reform greatly increased the number of households resettled compared to previous resettlement
programmes. Fast Track has benefited diverse classes of people, such as peasants, landless workers, government bureaucrats, politicians and middle class urbanites. Unlike previous reforms, the fast track programme has brought people who arguably have no connection with each
other together in settlements. The failure of government to provide the basic services to resettled farmers to cushion them in the new environments has exacerbated the already difficult situation amid weak social networks. Little research has been carried out on the
role of social networks in farm production in such areas, or how resettled households interact and organize themselves to generate growth and development. A study was initiated in 2005 to assess the role of social networks in agricultural production in resettlement schemes. A questionnaire survey covering 20 households was administered at Chigori A1 (small-holder) resettlement scheme in Murewa District. Two focus group discussions and 7 key informant interviews were also conducted. The analysis focused exclusively on types of social networks found at Chigori resettlement scheme and their role to farm production. Factors that facilitated the establishment and functioning of
social networks were explored. The study revealed that different types of networks were identified at Chigori resettlement scheme. These networks identified included family and kinship based networks, networks of identity, networks of production, institutional networks, farmer
groups, networks of influence, power and access. Social support came from relatives and friends when scheme members engaged in land preparation, weeding and harvesting at the scheme. Networks of identity were created among certain groups at Chigori scheme due to the sense of originating from same area. This created opportunities to access information and resources. Networks of production such as tobacco network emerged between scheme members who either possessed knowledge of tobacco farming or with resources to utilize. Scheme members at Chigori were encouraged to form agricultural groups by AREX officers. The study also revealed that groups were used differently by different agencies and individuals, for different purposes and motives. Councilors, GMB, AREX officers, scheme members and local leadership worked with groups in different ways mainly for their own advantage. Scheme members enrolled in networks in order to
optimize their opportunities for economic, social and political gain. Networks of production should be strengthened in order to increase crop production. This should be complemented by other factors such as extension to improve management of crops. | en_US |
